scholarly journals The Impact of Constitutional Replacements on the Quality of Democracy in Latin America

Politologija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-128
Author(s):  
Orestas Strauka
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Party System ◽  
Qualitative Comparative Analysis ◽  
Sufficient Conditions ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
And Inversion ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries

The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.  

scholarly journals Studies about the Quality of Democracy in Brazil: The Inter-institutional Accountability Dimension

1970 ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Vicente Fonseca ◽  
Carlos F. Domínguez Avila ◽  
Henry Aniagoa Kifordu
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Institutional Accountability ◽  
Independent Information ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
High Level ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Made In

The quality of democracy in Brazil can be analyzed and studied through seven dimensions based on Leornardo Morlino´s thought. It follows that the intellectual effort made in this article is centered on ‘Inter-institutional Accountability Dimension’. The studies’ objective is to describe and analyze the sub-dimensional levels of inter-institutional accountability by focusing on the Legislative relations with the Executive; the decisions of the Supreme Court; the Ombudsman and the General Audit of the Union, the Plural and Independent Information and the Bureaucratic Decentralization Models. In this context, we will examine the current political context of the country and seek to confirm the existence of a high level of inter-institutional accountability in Brazil in comparison with other Latin American Countries. Thereby, we will make proposals for improving the situation.

Survival vs Quality

2021 ◽  
pp. 241-261
Author(s):  
Fernando Casal Bértoa ◽  
Zsolt Enyedi
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
System Stability ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Special Pattern ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

The final chapter examines the impact of party system closure on the survival as well as the quality of democracy. We consider the question of whether closure is a necessary or sufficient precondition for the survival of democracy, and whether the other often proposed measures of party system stability, especially electoral volatility and parliamentary fragmentation, have a similarly important role. We use various indices to tap the quality of democracy, and we measure the relationship between these indices and closure by considering the intervening role of economic development. We find a special pattern in post-Communist Eastern Europe, indicating that closure can have pernicious consequences under certain conditions.

scholarly journals The Democratic Cost of Consecutive Re-election and Presidential Term-Limit Evasion in Latin America

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Karel Kouba ◽  
Jan Pumr
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Control Method ◽  
Term Limits ◽  
Synthetic Control ◽  
Synthetic Control Method ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Term Limit ◽  
Election Rule ◽  
Latin American Countries

Abstract Despite theoretical arguments suggesting the strong effects of presidential term limits and re-election on democracy, there is surprisingly little empirical evidence to evaluate them. We test both the effect on democracy of the existence of a consecutive re-election rule and of reforms introducing it for incumbent presidents. Using evidence from Latin American countries between 1945 and 2018, we test their relationship to both vertical and horizontal accountability. A synthetic control method is employed to account for the effect of term-limit reforms, and time-series cross-section models for modelling the association with the re-election rule. Both vertical and horizontal accountability as well as the quality of democracy are eroded by term-limit evasion reforms in most countries and strengthened in none between 1990 and 2018. Allowing presidents to run for re-election – relative to term-limited ones – is consistently associated with weak democratic outcomes.

Permissive Winners? The Quality of Democracy and the Winner–Loser Gap in the Perception of Freedoms

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172095223
Author(s):  
Alejandro Monsiváis-Carrillo
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Regime Stability ◽  
Latin American Countries

Voters usually differ in their assessment of the regime’s legitimacy, depending on their status as winners or losers. However, how wide or narrow the winner–loser gap is also depends on the quality of democratic institutions. Using survey data from 18 Latin American countries, this research provides evidence that winners and losers respond differently to the quality of democracy. While most research is concerned with the losers’ consent, this study shows that the winners express more favorable assessments of the supply of freedoms, even in regimes where democracy is weak or undermined by the deliberate efforts of the political authorities. Instead, in their perception of freedoms, losers are more willing to acknowledge if the quality of democracy improves or declines. These results suggest that the potential consequences of the winner–loser gap for regime stability are highly dependent on the democratic attributes of the political context.

Education, democratic governance, and satisfaction with democracy: Multilevel evidence from Latin America

2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212095287
Author(s):  
Alejandro Monsiváis-Carrillo ◽  
Gabriela Cantú Ramos
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Level Of Education ◽  
Satisfaction With Democracy ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Latin American Countries

It is usually recognized that satisfaction with democracy is enhanced by clean governments and fair democratic procedures. However, under certain circumstances, some citizens might appreciate the quality of democratic governance more than others. Building on research that underlines the accuracy and norm-inducing functions of education, we argue that the quality of democratic governance conditions the relationship between education and satisfaction with democracy. Analyzing data from 18 Latin American countries, we find that higher-educated citizens are less satisfied with the regime than the less-educated. Among the highly educated, nonetheless, the least satisfied are those who were asked by public officials to pay bribes. Highly educated individuals are more satisfied with the regime if their country’s quality of democracy is robust rather than weak. At the lowest level of education, the conditional influence of being asked for a bribe or the quality of democracy is absent.

The Contributions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights to the Development of Transitional Justice

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-475
Author(s):  
Eleonora Mesquita Ceia
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Federal Court ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
Human Rights Standards ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries

Transitional justice refers to the set of judicial and non-judicial measures adopted by different countries in order to confront their dictatorial past. In practice, countries adopt different transitional policies according to their own political, legal, social, historical, and cultural traditions. This applies, for example, to Latin American countries, some of which enacted amnesty laws currently in force, while others tried and convicted those responsible for human rights violations. In this process, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has contributed significantly to the progress of transitional justice. Through its jurisprudence, the Court has enshrined fundamental principles related to transitional justice. In addition, it has helped Latin American countries overcome jurisprudential positions and revoke national laws that contradict international human rights standards. This article examines the contribution of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights to the development of transitional justice, with an emphasis on the case of Brazil. Ultimately, it assesses the impact of selected court jurisprudence on Brazil in order to identify the quality of the existing dialogue on transitional justice between the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court.

The Impact of Configuration of Ties With Different Types of Actors in an Innovation Network on Technology Newness Based on QCA

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
Rui Li ◽  
Qiuyan Tao
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Comparative Analysis ◽  
Sufficient Conditions ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Scientific Management ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Tie Strength ◽  
Innovation Network ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Knowledge Intensive ◽  
The Impact

This paper aims to solve the “paradox” between strength of tie and technology newness from a new perspective. It intends to disclose that technology newness depends on combinations of tie strengths of different types of actors in a network rather than one type of actor's tie strength. To do so, a qualitative comparative analysis is conducted based on 166 knowledge-intensive firms in Beijing Zhongguancun High-Tech Park. Results suggest that there are three combinations of different types of actors' tie strength sufficient for technology newness, and strong tie with firms is a necessary condition for technology newness. Results confirm that tie strength with an individual type of actors have complex trade-off effects and that only specific combinations of tie strength with different types of actors in an innovation network act as sufficient conditions for technology newness. The result tends to show that balanced and scientific management of relationship between focal firms and different actors in a network is of great importance to technology innovation and strategy making.

scholarly journals Threat or Corrective? Assessing the Impact of Populist Parties in Government on the Qualities of Democracy: A 19-Country Comparison

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Davide Vittori
Keyword(s):  
Negative Impact ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Clear Cut ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Country Comparison ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Scholars have long debated whether populism harms or improves the quality of democracy. This article contributes to this debate by focusing on the impact of populist parties in government. In particular, it inquires: (1) whether populists in government are more likely than non-populists to negatively affect the quality of democracies; (2) whether the role of populists in government matters; and (3) which type of populism is expected to negatively affect the quality of liberal-democratic regimes. The results find strong evidence that the role of populists in government affects several qualities of democracy. While robust, the findings related to (2) are less clear-cut than those pertaining to (1). Finally, regardless of their role in government, different types of populism have different impacts on the qualities of democracy. The results show that exclusionary populist parties in government tend to have more of a negative impact than other forms of populism.

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