scholarly journals Expression of Conflict Communication in the Discourse of Presidential Election in Lithuania (2019)

2020 ◽  
pp. 117-129
Author(s):  
Vilma Linkevičiūtė
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Conflict Communication ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Presidential Discourse ◽  
Personal Interests ◽  
Linguistic Means

The subject matter of the article is different linguistic means of political conflict communication proper to the presidential discourse in Lithuania (2019). The research deals with the conflict communication of the three most popular candidates (according to sociological surveys) – G. Nausėda, S. Skvernelis, and I. Šimonytė. The political discourse of all three candidates is aimed at а positive self-representation; direct or indirect imputations of lack of sustained political commitment from the former president or their political opponents; accusation of pursuing their personal interests, or even making detrimental actions to the state and the society. The most prevalent meaning field in Nausėda’s discourse is welfare – detriment where THEY (former presidents, political parties and their representatives) are granted negative nominations, which are contrasted to positive nominations related to the latter candidate. The most prevailing meaning field in Skvernelis’s discourse is active and responsible state – inactive and irresponsible state which is expressed with the help of two sets of oppositions I – SHE (Grybauskaitė) and I – THEY (Parliamentary opposition and former political majority). The most popular meaning field in Šimonytė’s discourse is welfare – detriment, expressed with the help of I – THEY (members of the Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union) opposition.

scholarly journals Oppositions and Their Member Nominations in the Conflict Communication Discourse of Artūras Paulauskas (2004)

Verbum ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 79-85
Author(s):  
Vilma Linkevičiūtė
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Interpersonal Conflict ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Conflict Communication ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Linguistic Means

The object of this article is the linguistic means of political conflict communication that are characteristic of the political discourse of the Acting President of Lithuania Artūras Paulauskas (2004). Conflict communication has become a research object of modern conflictology, which mainly focuses on interpersonal conflict and effective methods of managing conflict solutions. Political conflict communication, which is generally analysed on the basis of parliamentary debates, does not have a precise definition. Conflict communication can be defined as verbalizing conflict situations, which are conditioned by variances with set objectives or their means of implementation and by discrepancies between the interests and wishes of the sides involved in the conflict. In political communication, it is possible to talk about the fact that an initial situation of verbal and non-verbal actions can become a source of conflict, while disapproval of such a situation is verbalized in political communication. Any individual who wants to influence political events becomes the subject of such communication.

scholarly journals Theoretical Approaches to the Concept of Responsibility of Members of Political Parties and its Correlation with Legal Responsibility

2019 ◽  
pp. 53-62
Author(s):  
V. Е. Mamedova
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Subject Matter ◽  
Legal Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Basic Properties ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Legal Responsibilities

The paper proposes the author’s understanding of responsibility of members of political parties provided by the political parties’ constitutions and other intraparty documents (intraparty responsibility). Also, the paper demarcates intraparty responsibility, legal and other types of social responsibility. It is concluded that the responsibility of members of political parties is a subspecies of social and statutory responsibility. The study has determined the tendency of convergence (diffusion) of internal party and legal responsibilities; the analysis has been carried out concerning perspectives of treating the responsibility of members of political parties as positive; the author substantiates the conclusion about the need to study intraparty responsibility exclusively in retrospective aspect. The author elucidates the thesis concerning expediency of enforcement of intra-party penalties as the subject matter of responsibility of members of political parties. Also, the basic properties of intra-party responsibility are revealed and analyzed. The study has investigated the influence of ambivalent nature of political parties and peculiarities of intra-party relations regarding the properties of responsibility of members of political parties.

scholarly journals The Pitfalls of “Love and Kindness”: On the Challenges to Compassion/Pity as a Political Emotion

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Kathrin Weber
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Realm ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

Martha Nussbaum’s political theory of compassion offers an extensive and compelling study of the potential of employing compassionate emotions in the political realm to further social justice and societal “love”. In this article, two pitfalls of Nussbaum’s affirming theory of a politics of compassion are highlighted: the problem of a dual-level hierarchisation and the “magic” of feeling compassion that potentially removes the subject of compassion from reality. I will argue that Hannah Arendt’s thoughts on pity provide substantial challenges to a democratic theory of compassion in this respect. Following these theoretical reflections, I will turn to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 US-American presidential election campaign, to her video ads “Love and Kindness” in particular, in order to provide fitting illustrations from current realpolitik for these specific pitfalls of the political employment of compassionate emotions.

Sympathy for the Devil

2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-84
Author(s):  
Glen Smith
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Broadcast News ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Opposing Party ◽  
The Devil

This study examines whether broadcast news reduces negativity toward political leaders by exposing partisans to opposing viewpoints. For analysis, both exposure to broadcast news and variation in media content are used to predict changes in feelings toward the candidates during the 2008 presidential election. The results suggest that increased exposure to broadcast news increased partisans’ favorability toward the out-party candidate. In addition, increased coverage of the candidates was followed by increased favorability among members of the opposing party. These results demonstrate the benefits of exposure to two-sided communications flows for the reduction of animosity between the political parties. Moreover, these results suggest that public negativity toward political leaders might be even worse if not for the large amount of overlap between the audiences for partisan and mainstream news outlets.

Big Business and the Kapp Putsch

1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Big Business ◽  
Government Bureaucracy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
General Strike

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.

scholarly journals Valstybinis politinių partijų finansavimas Lietuvoje

Teisė ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Elena Masnevaitė
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Growth Control ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Budget ◽  
Reliable Source ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Parliamentary Procedure

Pastaraisiais metais Lietuvoje vis labiau diskutuojama dėl politinėms partijoms skiriamų valstybės biu­džeto lėšų, jų didinimo, kontroliavimo ar... areštavimo. Politinės partijos yra tas subjektas, kuris atlieka mediaciją tarp valstybės ir visuomenės. Valstybė yra tuo suinteresuota, todėl skiria joms tam tikrą finan­sinę paramą, tarsi laikydamasi romėniškos maksimos do ut des. Korupcinių grėsmių požiūriu valstybės biudžeto lėšos yra patikimiausias politinių partijų finansavimo šaltinis, tačiau čia taip pat slypi pavojus, jog politinės partijos praras savo prigimtį ir taps kvazivalstybinėmis organizacijomis, atitrūkusiomis nuo visuomenės grupių ir jų „natūralaus“ suinteresuotumo finansiškai paremti joms priimtinas politines pro­gramas ir jų įgyvendintojus. Turint tai omenyje, šiame straipsnyje analizuojami Lietuvos politinių partijų finansavimo iš valstybės biu­džeto būdai ir formos. Remiantis kitų Europos valstybių patirtimi, atskleidžiami diskutuotini pasirinkto valstybinio politinių partijų finansavimo modelio aspektai, neproporcingos viešosios paramos proble­matika. Be to, pateikiamos rekomendacijos tobulinti reglamentavimą, kurio inicijuotos pataisos „įstrigo“ parlamentinėje procedūroje arba po priėmimo netapo reikiamai veiksmingomis. In Lithuania the funds from the state budget assigned to political parties, its growth, control and... arrest have become a topic of increasing debate over the last years. Political parties are the subject who performs mediation between the state and the society. The state is interested in the abovementioned function and therefore it assigns particular financial support to political parties as if conferred with the Roman maxim do ut des. At the standpoint of threats of corruption the state budget allocations are the most reliable source of funding for political parties, however, there is a risk that political parties will be deprived of their nature and turn into quasi governmental organisations that have lost touch with groups of the society and their „genuine” interest to support beneficial political programmes and their executers financially. While taking this into account the article deals with the ways and forms of financing the political parties from the state budget. Arguable issues of the model chosen by the state to fund political parties and the proble­matics of non proportionate public support are revealed in the article with reference to the experience of Eu­ropean states. Moreover, recommendations how to improve legal regulation whose initiated amendments „stuck“ in the parliamentary procedure or did not become due effective after their adoption are provided.

Weak economy compounds Moldovan political instability

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Substantial Influence ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The Government

Significance Economic weakness plus popular resentment of an elite seen as corrupt creates potential for mass demonstrations by pro- and anti-EU factions. Russia's importance as an economic partner is waning but it retains substantial influence through sympathetic political parties. A presidential election this October will be coloured by the unresolved bank fraud scandal, which has created a gulf between the political establishment and the electorate. Impacts Mainstream politicians will be find it hard to shake off perceived links to corruption. Prominent figures, whether oligarchs or pro-Russian politicians, may therefore avoid standing as presidential candidates. Lack of systemic reforms is a constraint on Moldova's ability to engage with EU economies. Domestic turmoil makes the government less likely to challenge Transnistria, which will remain a conduit for Russian pressure.

Administrative Reform in France

1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Garner
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Administrative Reform ◽  
Annual Reports ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Administrative System ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Great War

For some years prior to the outbreak of the great war the proposed reorganization of the administrative system of France occupied a leading place among the questions of French internal politics. It provoked a flood of discussion in parliament; it was the subject of investigation and report by various parliamentary, extra-parliamentary and inter-ministerial commissions; it was dwelt upon regularly in the annual reports on the budget; it was a standing subject of discussion by the functionaries in their associations and by the political parties in their annual congresses; it was responsible for a vast output of literature in the form of books, brochures and articles; and it occupied a conspicuous place in the declaration of each incoming ministry upon taking office. In the parliamentary election campaign of 1910 no other question, except proportional representation, was so widely discussed by the candidates.

Class and Mass in Pre-1964 Brazil

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-356
Author(s):  
Glenn A. Nichols
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
The Political ◽  
Officer Corps ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Civilian Leadership ◽  
The Military ◽  
Investment Patterns

Initial and prolonged military intervention in Brazil beginning with the events of 1964 has been the subject of considerable theorizing. Yet, relatively little data has been produced to support the various theories. As a consequence, scholars are left with a variety of imaginative and cogently stated options but without an ability to decide which of the choices most closely describes the political reality.Direct and prolonged military intervention has been linked to factors external and internal to the military. Theories emphasizing the change of foreign investment patterns beginning in the 1950s (Cardoso, 1973), the persistence of an authoritarian, perhaps, corporativistic culture (Skidmore, 1973; Roett, 1972; Schmitter, 1971 and 1973), economic malaise (Skidmore, 1967; Lewis, 1975; Fishlow, 1973) and the shortcomings of political parties and civilian leadership (Schneider, 1965 and 1971; Tavares, 1970; Stepan, 1971; Reisky de Dubnic, 1968), and stress elements external to the military. Others, the role of the Superior War College in shaping interventionist attitudes among the officer corps (Stepan, 1973) and the military's assumption of the moderating power or poder moderator (Torres, 1966) stress elements internal to the military.

Democracy’s critical infrastructure: Rethinking intermediary powers

2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-282
Author(s):  
Jan-Werner Müller
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Critical Infrastructure ◽  
Structural Transformations ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Time ◽  
Free Media ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Proper Account

Ever since the 19th century, political parties and free media were widely deemed indispensable for the proper functioning of representative democracy. They constituted what one might call the critical infrastructure of democracy, an infrastructure which enabled citizens to use their basic rights effectively and also to reach each other (and be reached). Both intermediary institutions are undergoing major structural transformations today (or might disappear altogether, if processes of ‘disintermediation’ continue). It has proven difficult to judge these changes, partly because we lack a proper account of the distinctive normative roles of intermediary institutions beyond standard claims of ‘connecting citizens to the political system’. The essay argues that intermediary powers remain indispensable in staging political conflict, in providing external and internal pluralism and in properly structuring political time.

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