scholarly journals Prerequisites for the effective fight against hate crimes

Author(s):  
Petra Bárd

Abstract Hate crimes poison societies by threatening individual rights, human dignity and equality. They effect private lives, or even victims’ life and limb. Due to their ripple effect, they terrify whole communities, reinforce tensions between social groups, ultimately jeopardising peaceful coexistence. No society is immune from the signs of hatred, but whether they get tamed or whether prejudices are deepened, depends on the social measures that are applied vis-à-vis the phenomenon. The state’s reaction creates norms and will informs society about the current acceptable standards. European expectations help forming these. Standards developed by the European Court of Human Rights include the obligations to ensure that hate against social groups as a motivation is considered an aggravating circumstance or leads to penalty enhancement. States must also ensure that national investigation authorities show special vigilance to explore and unmask the bias motives behind hate crimes. Such European expectations still leave a wide room of manoeuvre to respond to hate crimes efficiently and dissuasively. But irrespectively of the national codification method, for legal provisions to reach the desired outcome, certain social preconditions must be met. For hate crime laws or provisions to work, states must reach a certain level of maturity from the viewpoint of democracy, fundamental rights in general and the rule of law, where guaranteeing judicial independence is an absolute minimum.

Author(s):  
Yi Song ◽  
Xuesong Lu ◽  
Sadegh Nobari ◽  
Stéphane Bressan ◽  
Panagiotis Karras

One is either on Facebook or not. Of course, this assessment is controversial and its rationale arguable. It is nevertheless not far, for many, from the reason behind joining social media and publishing and sharing details of their professional and private lives. Not only the personal details that may be revealed, but also the structure of the networks are sources of invaluable information for any organization wanting to understand and learn about social groups, their dynamics and members. These organizations may or may not be benevolent. It is important to devise, design and evaluate solutions that guarantee some privacy. One approach that reconciles the different stakeholders’ requirement is the publication of a modified graph. The perturbation is hoped to be sufficient to protect members’ privacy while it maintains sufficient utility for analysts wanting to study the social media as a whole. In this paper, the authors try to empirically quantify the inevitable trade-off between utility and privacy. They do so for two state-of-the-art graph anonymization algorithms that protect against most structural attacks, the k-automorphism algorithm and the k-degree anonymity algorithm. The authors measure several metrics for a series of real graphs from various social media before and after their anonymization under various settings.


Author(s):  
Amy L. Brandzel

This chapter examines the violent maintenance of citizenship through the police state, and the uses of hate crime legislation to both name and disallow any recognition of this violence. The intervention into how we understand citizenship to be violently organized functions at two interconnected levels, that is, at the structural level of state violence, and at the social level of identity categories. At the level of the state, hate crime legislation offers us important information on how the violence of citizenship is managed, controlled, and directed. At the structural level of the state, the chapter adds to left critiques of hate crime legislation by unpacking how these laws are used to create a dangerous discontinuum, in which hate crimes are marked as individualized errors, while police brutality is systemically assuaged. By examining the machinations of hate crime legislation at these two levels, it is argued that hate crime legislation works, simultaneously, to recognize and deny: (1) the violence of citizenship; and (2) the fear that the oppressed will seek revenge and retaliate for this experience by using violence themselves.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-19
Author(s):  
Luis Jimena Quesada

The author highlights the paradoxical evolution of CJEU’s case-law in the field of social rights and how in the past, it has played a praetorian role in a context of implied powers and modest EU primary legal provisions whereas now, it is showing clear self-restraint under explicit competences and an evolved EU primary law [including the Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFREU)]. From this perspective, the author proposes the opening of the CJEU to the new framework of the European Pillar of Social Rights, as part of the broader Turin process for the European Social Charter, through positive judicial willingness (by taking into account the synergies between the EU and the Council of Europe – including the case-law from the European Committee of Social Rights).


Author(s):  
Chengappa M. P. ◽  
Aishwarya Roy

Historically, women have been attached with so many disabilities. Much attention has not been paid to the social and economic development of the women despite women consisting of half of the population. Apart from constitutional and fundamental rights, there is a separate chapter created under the Indian constitution (i.e., Directive Principles of State Policy), which mandates the state towards positive obligation for the empowerment of weaker sections of the society including women. The contribution of Parliament through the enactment of a law for the social development of women is positive. The Apex court in India struck down so many archaic legal provisions that discriminate against the women in its various decisions. The objective of the chapter is 1) an analysis of the methodology adopted by the court for the empowerment of the women, 2) to access the practical implication of court cases on the social empowerment of women, and 3) to look into the strategy adopted by the executive or government in furtherance of the said landmark decisions.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mina Cikara ◽  
Vasiliki Fouka ◽  
Marco Tabellini

People are on the move in unprecedented numbers across the globe. How does migration affect local intergroup dynamics? In contrast to accounts that emphasize stereotypical features of groups as determinants of their treatment, we propose the social group reference dependence hypothesis: violence and negative attitudes toward each minoritized group will depend on the number and size of other minoritized groups in a community. Specifically, as groups increase in rank in their relative size (e.g., to largest minority within a community), discriminatory behavior and attitudes toward them should increase accordingly. We test this hypothesis across U.S. counties between 1990 and 2010. Consistent with this prediction we find that, as Black, Hispanic/Latinx, Asian, and Arab populations increase in rank relative to one another, they become more likely to be targeted with hate crimes and more negative attitudes. The rank effect holds above and beyond group size/proportion, growth rate, and a number of other alternative explanations. This framework makes novel predictions about how demographic shifts may affect coalitional structures in the coming years and helps explain previous findings in the literature. More broadly, our results complement the existing literature by indicating that attitudes and behaviors toward social categories are not fixed or driven only by features associated with those groups, such as stereotypes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (22) ◽  

Hate crime and hate speech are extreme examples of negative intergroup relations. It is thought that it would be very useful to analyze the variables that lead up to for dealing with hate speech and crimes that have many physical and psychological destructive consequences for the exposed group members. Therefore, the aim of the present study is to address some of the social psychological variables associated with hate speech and hate crimes and to suggest solutions to reduce hate speech and hate crimes in this context. For this purpose, first of all, hate speech and hate crimes were defined and various examples were presented in this direction. Later, hate crimes and hate speech were examined in terms of social identity identification, social dominance orientation, system justification, realistic and symbolic threat perception, frustration and scapegoat concepts. The relationship between hate speech and crimes of this concept has been embodied with research findings and examples from various regions in Turkey and the world. Finally, some solution suggestions have been presented by making use of this theoretical knowledge in terms of combating hate crimes and hate speeches. Keywords: Hate crime, hate speech, intergroup relations, social psychology


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (22) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Valbona Alikaj

The paper is about the case of the right of ownership, the social function that the constitutions of some western countries recognize to this rights and the balance of this right with other public interests. The right of ownership has a great importance even in the European judicial order. The right of ownership has undergone many changes with the creation of a single European market, so that nowadays we could not talk about only one ownership category. Special attention will be dedicated to the article 17 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights according to which everyone has the right to own, use, dispose of and bequeath his or her lawfully acquired possessions. The limitation of this right will be legislated toward the public interest and toward a fair compensation being paid in a good time. In its decisions, the European Court of Justice has stated that the property as a fundamental right is described not as an absolute right, for the European judge the social function has to do with the general interest that is the basis of each treaty, that is the free and full competition. The private property for the jurisprudence of the community is a fundamental right, but it could be limited due to the general economic interest that aim to be realised.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-32
Author(s):  
Le Hoang Anh Thu

This paper explores the charitable work of Buddhist women who work as petty traders in Hồ Chí Minh City. By focusing on the social interaction between givers and recipients, it examines the traders’ class identity, their perception of social stratification, and their relationship with the state. Charitable work reveals the petty traders’ negotiations with the state and with other social groups to define their moral and social status in Vietnam’s society. These negotiations contribute to their self-identification as a moral social class and to their perception of trade as ethical labor.


1998 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen French Gilson ◽  
John C. Bricout ◽  
Frank R. Baskind

Social work literature, research, and practice on disabilities has lagged behind other topical areas dealing with oppressed groups. The social work literature remains “expert focused” and generally fragmented into discussions of specific disabilities or subpopulations. A viable general model that deals with the personal experience of disability is not available. This exploratory study presents a social work literature search and analysis as well as interviews with six individuals with disabilities about their experiences with social workers. Individuals with disabilities assert that they were treated as though they had categorically fewer aspirations, abilities, and perhaps even fundamental rights than did nondisabled people. This study provides a base for follow-up research on models of consumer-focused social work practice in the area of disability.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.


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