scholarly journals POSTCAREER OF RUSSIAN GOVERNORS 1991‒2020: MAIN DIRECTIONS

Author(s):  
Artem Flyagin ◽  
◽  

The author collected and analyzed the biographies of all heads of the Russian regions who held their posts from 1991 to 2020. The main focus of this work was the careers of former heads of regions after their end of term. Information about the post-career of regional heads was found in 268 cases. The most popular directions of the post-governor career were federal government and business. Regional administration is much less popular, and local administration are almost not represented. In most cases, the governorship was a springboard in one's career. An analysis of changes in the main directions of post-career development over time showed a clear reflection of the consequences of the policy of “recentralization”: the marginalization of regional and local politics and the focus of former governors on the transition to central government are traced. In addition, the high popularity of business structures prompts the conclusion about plutocratization of the regional level of power.

2020 ◽  
pp. 303-310
Author(s):  
Yoram Gorlizki ◽  
Oleg Khlevniuk

This chapter suggests how a public discursive framework can help provide a benchmark for comparing the Soviet Union with other regimes, including that of contemporary post-communist Russia. It summarizes how substate leaders and their strategies can shed light on dictatorship and on how it changes over time. It also explains that the Soviet case falls into two broad categories, one empirical and historical, the other comparative and theoretical. The chapter draws attention to a parallel act of delegation at the regional level. It also recounts how Joseph Stalin handed over power on a provisional basis to regional leaders due to his inability to penetrate the inner recesses of local administration.


Author(s):  
Saskia T. Roselaar

This chapter discusses the structure of local administration in the Roman Empire and the responsibilities of the various local magistrates, the town council and the public assembly. It explores the responsibilities of the magistrates with regard to jurisdiction, public finance, and the management of public property, and the question whether holding a magistracy became less popular over time. It also discusses the connection between central government and the towns of the Empire, and the involvement of central officials in the running of towns. Finally, this chapter explores the legal position and responsibilities of resident foreigners, as well as the importance of the connection to a hometown for feelings of personal identity and pride among the Empire’s inhabitants.


2020 ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
P. N. Pavlov

The paper analyzes the impact of the federal regulatory burden on poverty dynamics in Russia. The paper provides regional level indices of the federal regulatory burden on the economy in 2008—2018 which take into account sectoral structure of regions’ output and the level of regulatory rigidity of federal regulations governing certain types of economic activity. Estimates of empirical specifications of poverty theoretical model with the inclusion of macroeconomic and institutional factors shows that limiting the scope of the rulemaking activity of government bodies and weakening of new regulations rigidity contributes to a statistically significant reduction in the level of poverty in Russian regions. Cancellation of 10% of accumulated federal level requirements through the “regulatory guillotine” administrative reform may take out of poverty about 1.1—1.4 million people.


2020 ◽  
pp. 133-158
Author(s):  
K. A. Kholodilin ◽  
Y. I. Yanzhimaeva

A relative uniformity of population distribution on the territory of the country is of importance from socio-economic and strategic perspectives. It is especially important in the case of Russia with its densely populated West and underpopulated East. This paper considers changes in population density in Russian regions, which occurred between 1897 and 2017. It explores whether there was convergence in population density and what factors influenced it. For this purpose, it uses the data both at county and regional levels, which are brought to common borders for comparability purposes. Further, the models of unconditional and conditional β-convergence are estimated, taking into account the spatial dependence. The paper concludes that the population density equalization took place in 1897-2017 at the county level and in 1926—1970 at the regional level. In addition, the population density increase is shown to be influenced not only by spatial effects, but also by political and geographical factors such as climate, number of GULAG camps, and the distance from the capital city.


Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko

The authors conclude the book by recapping their arguments and empirical results, and discussing the possibilities for the “new economic populism” to promote egalitarian economic outcomes in the face of continuing gridlock and the dominance of Washington, DC’s policymaking institutions by business and the wealthy, and a conservative Republican Party. Many states are actually addressing inequality now, and these policies are working. Admittedly, many states also continue to embrace the policies that have contributed to growing inequality, such as tax cuts for the wealthy or attempting to weaken labor unions. But as the public grows more concerned about inequality, the authors argue, policies that help to address these income disparities will become more popular, and policies that exacerbate inequality will become less so. Over time, if history is a guide, more egalitarian policies will spread across the states, and ultimately to the federal government.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Dean

In his celebrated presidential addresses to the Royal Historical Society between 1974 and 1976 Sir Geoffrey Elton explored three “points of contact” between central authority and local communities: Parliament, the royal council, and the royal court. Parliament, he argued, was “the premier point of contact,” which “fulfilled its functions as a stabilizing mechanism because it was usable and used to satisfy legitimate and potentially powerful aspirations.” Elsewhere Elton, and other parliamentary historians such as Michael Graves, Norman Jones, and Jennifer Loach, have stressed parliament's role as a clearing house for the legislative desires of the governing class. The author of this article has recently drawn attention to the pressures which private legislation placed on the parliamentary agenda and the attempts by the government to control it. All of this supports Elton's contention that parliament, from the perspective of central government, was indeed a vital means of ensuring stability and channelling grievances.However, few studies have viewed parliament from the perspective of the local communities and governing elites who sought parliamentary solutions to their problems or even parliamentary resolutions to their disputes with others. The major exception to this has been London. Helen Miller's seminal study of London and parliament in the reign of Henry VIII and Edwin Green's on the Vintners lobby, have been recently complemented by Ian Archer's on the London lobbies in Elizabeth's reign, Claude Blair's on the Armourers lobby, and my own study of the struggle between the Curriers and Cordwainers. These not only reveal the broader context of such disputes, but emphasize that parliament was only one of many arenas available to participants. This important point has also been stressed by Robert Tittler in his study of parliament as a “point of contact” for English towns.


2021 ◽  
Vol 266 ◽  
pp. 6-12
Author(s):  
Mary Smithson ◽  
M. Chandler McLeod ◽  
Dan I. Chu ◽  
Greg Kennedy ◽  
Melanie Morris ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-600
Author(s):  
Naomi R. Lamoreaux ◽  
Laura Phillips Sawyer

Scholars have long recognized that the states’ authority to charter corporations bolstered their antitrust powers in ways that were not available to the federal government. Our paper contributes to this literature by focusing attention on the relevance for competition policy of lawsuits brought by minority shareholders against their own companies, especially lawsuits challenging voting trusts. Historically judges had been reluctant to intervene in corporations’ internal affairs and had been wary of the potential for opportunism in shareholders’ derivative suits. By the end of the nineteenth century, however, they had begun to revise their views and see shareholders as useful allies in the struggle against monopoly. Although the balance between judges’ suspicion of and support for shareholders’ activism shifted back and forth over time, in the end the lawsuits provoked state legislatures to strengthen antitrust policy by making devices like voting trusts unsuitable for purposes of economic concentration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-521
Author(s):  
Joshua Evans ◽  
Jeffrey R Masuda

The management of homelessness has taken various forms over time. In 2003, the U.S. federal government significantly shifted its approach, ambitiously committing to end homelessness within 10 years by targeting the chronically homeless using the Housing First model. This approach to homelessness has rapidly spread across North America and beyond. This article is concerned with how the mobility of these 10-year plans has been realized. Drawing on Peck and Theodore’s concept of “fast policy,” and borrowing perspectives developed in actor-network theory, the article develops a case study of Alberta, Canada, to chronicle how 10-year plans were translated through a dense network of political alignments, socio-technical expertise, and statistical inscriptions. A close examination of these translations invites us to problematize this socio-technical infrastructure as a powerful mode of adaptive governance closely associated with the dynamism of neoliberalism itself.


Spatium ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 19-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Wilson

Regional Sustainable Development Frameworks (RSDFs) have been prepared in each of the 8 English regions as a means of progressing sustainable development at the regional level. Promoted by central government, which has emphasised the overarching role of the Frameworks as a key reference for all regional plans, strategies and policies, their preparation and use in practice has offered scope for innovation and variety which are revealing of the relationships and tensions between various interests at the regional level. This paper assesses the effectiveness of the Frameworks, focusing in particular on their use in practice in appraising the sustainability of other regional plans and strategies, and their role in resolving conflicts. The paper also examines their role in integrating a consistent understanding of sustainable development, and reflects on the implications for different meanings of sustainability. It draws on work commissioned by the English Regions Network from CAG Consultants and Oxford Brookes University. A central aim of the research project was to evaluate how effective RSDFs have been in providing a direction and a vision for regional activity to progress sustainable development.


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