scholarly journals An Official Matter: Life and Death During the Sanitary Crisis. Semiotics and Philosophy in Times of Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Vasile Hodorogea ◽  

Over a million cases of infected people, thresholds and dramatic records constantly exceeded, the voices of the State and of the civil society covering each other in search of validation, an alienated and disoriented population – this is the general picture of a Romanian society trying, on one side, to understand a global phenomenon and, on the other side, to adapt to situations, norms and regulations that has not been encountered for generations. In an effervescent social, economic and political context, the Coronavirus pandemic tests the whole society and forces the State to react, both through concrete measures (rules, restrictions) and through education and awareness campaigns. The official messages transmitted by the State, through the media and in the form of commercials, advertisements, are subject to an evolution in visual and verbal aspect, which can be questioned both in terms of philosophical theories such as utilitarianism or social contract, and from the semiotic perspective of the meanings carried by these messages. How is the "common good" found in the education and awareness campaigns for wearing protective masks and for frequent sanitation and disinfection? And if Rousseau's "common good" is not fully visible in the mask that "can save your life," is the general goal of the government campaign one of a utilitarian nature? To what extent does the promise of the presence of pleasure and the absence of pain appear, as described by John Stuart Mill, in a campaign built on "saving lives" and "protecting others"? This research advances the proposition of a perception analysis of the meanings conveyed in the television commercials from the official awareness and education campaign regarding the Coronavirus pandemic, between March 2020 and January 2021, decanted in terms of basic semiotic and philosophical concepts and theories.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Indjov ◽  
◽  
◽  

The study examines the applicability of the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) with their three models of media‒politics relations (Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist Model, North/ Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model, and North Atlantic or Liberal Model) to a post-communist country like Bulgaria. The answer to this question is sought through a study of the role of the state in relation to the media system, particularly the state funding of media in its various forms. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Bulgarian media system is most similar to the Mediterranean Model due to the power of еtatism (the state finances public media, and the government buys media love through state and municipal advertising). At the same time, ineffective media regulation favors media concentration and the instrumentalization of large government media groups. The processes of rapid liberalization, privatization and deregulation in the media sector after 1989 brought Bulgaria closer to the countries included in the Liberal Model. Therefore, its media system is hybrid to some extent, but the similarities with the Mediterranean Model remain in the lead. The clientelism through which they are tamed, resp. corrupt the media, brings Bulgaria closer to the Latin American countries where it is much stronger than in the Mediterranean region (Hallin, Papathanassopoulos 2002). The concluding part predicts that, in the future, the analysis of the Bulgarian media system can be enhanced with a study of the applicability of the concepts of the “captured liberal model” of the media (in Latin America) and the “captured media” in the post-communist world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 588-593
Author(s):  
S Menzies ◽  
S Daly ◽  
R O’Connor ◽  
A Kelly ◽  
M Fitzgerald ◽  
...  

Abstract Background There is little information on the effectiveness of introducing age restriction legislation alone to reduce the rate of sunbed usage by teenagers. Prior to the Public Health (Sunbed) Act of 2014 prohibiting the use of sunbeds in under 18-year-olds in Ireland we reported the rate of sunbed use at 7.5%. Objectives The aim of the study was to compare the rate of sunbed usage among Irish teenagers before and after the introduction of banning legislation to determine if it had the desired effect of reducing its rate of use. Methods In a cross-sectional survey, students from the same schools as in our previous study completed an anonymous, written questionnaire pertaining to sunbed usage. Results In total, 783 questionnaires, from 13 schools across Ireland, were completed. The rate of sunbed use in the current study was 7.2%, compared to 7.5% in the pre-ban study, (P = 0.76). A higher rate of sunbed use was observed in Dublin schools and female public students. Conclusion Our study suggests that legislation alone is ineffective at reducing sunbed usage in a teenage population. A multifaceted approach is required that includes enforcement of the legislation together with targeted public education and awareness campaigns using all aspects of the media.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (14) ◽  
pp. 351
Author(s):  
Ephraim Ahamefula Ikegbu ◽  
Peter Bisong Bisong ◽  
Enyimba Maduka

The media are like a two-edged sword; it could built, it could also destroy. It has the capacity to increase the virtue level of a society; it also has an equal capacity to increase the vices of the society. From surveys it appears to these writers that, the media at present is wielding its vicious powers more. An increase in cases of homicides, terrorism, crime, violence and other social ills in the world is a clear testimony to this assertion. Since the state or the government exists to produce virtues in the citizens, it is imperative that the government takes serious steps to curb the dysfunctional effects of the media on the citizens and the society at large. The government should not be left alone to do this, the religious leaders, physicians, psychologists, philosophers, parents and the media practitioners themselves need to contribute their quota to evolve a media of our dreams – a media that would yield positive and beneficial fruits to the society. The media should be an instrument aimed at shaping the lives of the youth and the society. As an educative, instructive, didactic and healing therapeutic facility, the negatives associated with the media should be avoided by aspiring to embrace the positive effects of their relevance.


Author(s):  
Ya-Wen Lei

Since the mid-2000s, public opinion and debate in China have become increasingly common and consequential, despite the ongoing censorship of speech and regulation of civil society. How did this happen? This book shows how the Chinese state drew on law, the media, and the Internet to further an authoritarian project of modernization, but in so doing, inadvertently created a nationwide public sphere in China—one the state must now endeavor to control. The book examines the influence this unruly sphere has had on Chinese politics and the ways that the state has responded. It shows that the development of the public sphere in China has provided an unprecedented forum for citizens to influence the public agenda, demand accountability from the government, and organize around the concepts of law and rights. It demonstrates how citizens came to understand themselves as legal subjects, how legal and media professionals began to collaborate in unexpected ways, and how existing conditions of political and economic fragmentation created unintended opportunities for political critique, particularly with the rise of the Internet. The emergence of this public sphere—and its uncertain future—is a pressing issue with important implications for the political prospects of the Chinese people. The book offers new possibilities for thinking about the transformation of state–society relations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pallavi Majumdar

Across the world, media entities are subjected to regulations following the universal perception that media content and media operations radically influence political debate, social policies and economic growth. This is accompanied by the tension of how to regulate the media and how to secure a free independent media on the other. Though regulation of the media content can take on several forms ranging from direct control of the government, guidelines from the industry associations, pressure from advertisers or suggestions by the civil society groups, it is normally aimed at protecting the public from perceived harm, or with enriching their knowledge or appreciation of culture. In India, the state has zealously guarded its control over broadcast news media, however, the emergence of new stakeholders in the postliberalization era has resulted in a complex mesh of regulatory controls. This paper traces the historical context of the broadcast regulatory framework in India and explores the various sites of contestations between the various stakeholders, particularly the state and the broadcasters, with specific reference to news on television.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abhra Roy

Abstract We analyze a model of media bias under government capture and a free press. The government wants citizens to invest in a project. Citizens gain from investing only if the state of the economy is good. The state is unobserved. The media firm receives a noisy signal about the actual state and makes a report about whether or not the state of the economy is good. Citizens read the report and decide whether or not to invest. In this context, we show that media bias under government capture may be smaller (greater) than that under free press if the cost of investment is sufficiently high (low) provided that the signal noise is below a certain threshold. Finally, we show that the difference between the bias under government capture and free press diverges (converges) when the cost of investment is sufficiently high (low) in response to a reduction in noise.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (49) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
Angelo Serpa ◽  
Alexandre Matos Contreiras Pereira ◽  
Raísa Santos Muniz

<p>Neste artigo, busca-se problematizar os processos de complexificação dos campos de produção e consumo em dois bairros populares, os bairros Brasil, em Vitória da Conquista, e Pernambués, em Salvador, através da identificação, da caracterização e da análise das centralidades de comércio e serviços, de suas dinâmicas internas e relações com a área da qual fazem parte na cidade. Além da pesquisa bibliográfica relativa à temática e à metodologia, a aplicação de questionários para empreendedores e público consumidor, realização de entrevistas com empreendedores, bem como a sistematização, a tabulação e a análise dos dados obtidos foram os principais procedimentos metodológicos utilizados, objetivando-se traçar os perfis sociais dos dois grupos, vistos aqui como agentes nos processos de complexificação das centralidades identificadas nos bairros. As pesquisas realizadas entre 2015 e 2016 buscaram também fomentar o debate sobre a existência ou não de um processo de ascensão de uma “nova classe média”, discurso tão amplamente divulgado pelo governo brasileiro e difundido pelos veículos de comunicação nos últimos anos. A análise de dois bairros populares em contextos urbano-regionais diferenciados no estado da Bahia nos permite afirmar que é inegável o processo de complexificação das centralidades de comércio e serviços nestes recortes. Por outro lado, há um evidente empobrecimento do capital social dos empreendedores entrevistados em ambos os bairros (lazer restrito, falta de tempo para os amigos e para frequentar equipamentos culturais), o capital escolar/cultural permanecendo praticamente inalterado e a continuidade dos estudos na universidade dependendo de um enorme esforço pessoal daqueles que se dispõem a fazê-lo. Percebe-se também que a ascensão social, ou melhor, a inserção pelo consumo pode interferir na vida de relações sociais dos bairros populares analisados, com o empobrecimento do capital social de empreendedores (e consumidores).</p><p><strong>Palavras–chave:</strong> comércio e serviços, ascensão social, bairro popular, bairro empreendedor, Salvador, Vitória da Conquista.</p><p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>This paper aims to discuss the processes of complexification of the fields of production and consumption through the identification, characterization and analysis of trade and services centralities, its internal dynamics and the relations sustained by them within the area of the city in which they are located. We proceeded the studies in two popular neighborhoods in two different cities in the state of Bahia, Brazil. The first neighborhood is called Brazil and it is located in Vitoria da Conquista and the second is called Pernambués and it is located in Salvador. In addition to bibliographical research on both, the subject and methodology, we applied questionnaires for entrepreneurs and consumers, conducted interviews with entrepreneurs and proceeded its systematization, tabulation and analysis of the data obtained as the main methodological procedures in this study. By choosing to do so, we aimed to portray the social profiles of the two groups (entrepreneurs and consumers), seen here as active agents in the processes of complexification of the centralities identified in the neighborhoods. The surveys that were conducted between 2015 and 2016 intended to promote the debate about the possibility of existence of the process of ascension of a "new middle class" in Brazil, a discourse extensively disseminated by the government and by the media in recent years. The analysis of the two popular neighborhoods in different urban-regional contexts in the state of Bahia allows us to affirm that the process of complexification of the centralities of commerce and services in these localities is undeniable. On the other hand, there is a discernible impoverishment of the social capital of the entrepreneurs interviewed in both neighborhoods (restricted leisure, lack of time for friends and to attend cultural facilities), school/cultural capital remaining practically unchanged and the continuity of university studies (when applied) depending on a huge personal effort of those who are willing to do so. It is also noticeable that social ascension, or rather, insertion through consumption, can interfere in the social life of the residents of the popular neighborhoods analyzed resulting in the impoverishment of the social capital of the entrepreneurs (and also of the consumers).</p><p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><strong>Keywords</strong>: commerce and services, Social ascension, Popular neighborhoods, Entrepreneurial neighborhoods, Salvador, Vitória da Conquista</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-103
Author(s):  
Ivan N. Belonogov

The concept of “Body without Organs (BwO)” proposed by Gilles Deleuze (and Félix Guattari) is quite often overlooked both in the “post-Deleuzian” literature and in various systems/media theories. This paper aims to show the changes that might occur when introducing this concept in different discourses. Specifically, in terms of the systems theory, BwO resolves the paradox of “a certain system in the state of uncertainty” as well as opens the way to the neorationality; in the philosophy of life, it makes the zone of indistinguishability between life and death clearly visible; against the background of the identity politics, it becomes the guiding idea of liberation; while in the context of the media theory, it unfolds the mode of existence of the worlds of fantasy. The outcomes of this study may be useful not only for philosophers addressing the issues of systems, organizations, technics, media etc., or for political activists, but also for anyone interested in the philosophical heritage of Gilles Deleuze as well as in the development of his philosophical ideas.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492094196
Author(s):  
Alexey Kovalev

This article explores the dual influence of market and political pressures on journalists and the resulting character of censorship and self-censorship in Russia. In particular, it focuses on how these pressures affect the work environment journalists have to engage with and the quality of news they produce. It also explains the economic and political context of commercialised news aggregation and its impact on the media industry and its workers. A cut-throat media market makes it almost impossible for any outlet to not have to sacrifice some aspects of quality journalism in order to increase its audience. As a journalist with almost 20 years of experience in the media industry, I explore the conditions in Russia’s media market. Even private media owners are often deeply beholden to the state and are as susceptible to pressure from state agents and censorship as are outlets that are directly owned by the government. This can partly be explained by the fact that many outlets which used to be privately-owned and independent have undergone hostile takeovers, including new editorial teams loyal to the state.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-112
Author(s):  
Jamel Zran ◽  
Moez Ben Messaoud

A large proportion of the media around the world, especially those related to radio and television, belong to the state. In principle at least, there are three different terms to talk about these types of media: (1). The public media that draws on the treasury to present programming that is in the interest of the general population. They do not support any political party, not even the party in power. (2). National media owned by the state and using the treasury money, are also controlled directly by the state. (3). Government media that is owned by the ruling party and uses the treasury money, are also controlled by the ruling party. These three models coexist already in the Arab world since independence. This phenomenon almost removed the clear distinction that existed in principle between the government media and the public media. After the Arab Spring in 2011, however, this distinction remains important. The public broadcaster model was based on a principle that is still justified for most of the world and that the private media alone can not guarantee the pluralism of broadcasting. The problem, however, is that the government media have also largely failed. In several countries, the arrival of private media has pushed governments to exercise editorial control of the public media. The discussion of media regulation is aimed primarily at ensuring that the media financed by the Public treasury exercise their profession with the full independence of the government of the day to which they are entitled, rather than aiming to restrict the freedom of the media that already enjoy full editorial independence. In the Arab world, there have been some attempts to recover and modernize the ideal model of public media, as for example the case of Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan. This study aim to search if the Arab broadcasting meet the recognized standards and the requirements of the concept of public service?Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-3: 98-112 


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