A Brief Report on Rape Myth Acceptance: Differences Between Police Officers, Law Students, and Psychology Students in the United Kingdom

2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Sleath ◽  
Ray Bull

A common perception is that police officers hold very negative attitudes about rape victims. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to establish whether police officers do accept stereotypical rape myths at a higher level compared to members of other populations. There were 3 comparison samples, composed of police officers, law students, and psychology students, that completed the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale. Male and female police officers accepted “she lied” myths at a higher level than the student samples. Student samples were found to accept 2 types of rape myths (“she asked for it” and “he didn’t meant to”) at a higher level compared to police officers. No significant differences were found in the other 4 subfactors. Therefore, the pattern of results suggests that police officers do not adhere to stereotypical myths about rape victims more than do other populations.

2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052091683
Author(s):  
Ashley K. Fansher ◽  
Sara B. Zedaker

An extensive amount of research has been devoted to understanding rape myths, especially in the context of sexual attitudes. Few studies have examined sexual actions as a correlate of rape myth acceptance (RMA). As such, this study utilizes the Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) and its four distinct subscales to examine adherence to rape myths and an individual’s view of sex and sexuality in a sample of 1,310 college students. The IRMA was included in its entirety and separated into its four subscales: “She asked for it,” “He didn’t mean to,” “It wasn’t really rape,” and “She lied.” Results indicated that the most impactful variables for all four subscales were adversarial heterosexual beliefs, stereotypical gender beliefs, and being male. The main implications of this study pertain to implementation of programming. Intervention programming should focus on younger males due to their increased adherence to certain rape myths. Furthermore, programs that address not only rape myths but also other traditional and negative belief systems should be employed. Results of this study lend support to the supposition that it is not necessarily individual characteristics that have a large effect on RMA but is instead a strong adherence to traditional belief systems.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 249-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Duff ◽  
Amy Tostevin

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to assess the impact of gender-stereotypical beliefs and associated factors (gender, level of rape myth acceptance (RMA), and occupation) on public attitudes towards rape victims with the aim of establishing whether participant and perpetrator characteristics have effects on individuals’ attitudes towards rape victims. With regards to participants, gender, age, occupation, and the extent to which an individual endorses rape myths were investigated. The authors also considered whether participants’ attitudes were influenced by the occupation of a rapist as described in a vignette looking at occupations deemed to be stereotypically male or female. Design/methodology/approach – In total, 185 individuals participated in the study and were randomly assigned to one of three conditions based on the rapist’s occupation (stereotypically male occupation, gender-neutral occupation or stereotypically female occupation). Participants completed an online survey consisting of a RMA questionnaire, read a short vignette depicting a rape scenario (where they were also informed of the perpetrator’s occupation) and completed a further questionnaire on their attitudes towards rape victims. Results were examined by regression. Findings – The results indicate that both participant occupation and level of RMA significantly contributed to attitudes towards rape victims, however, a statistically significant effect for rapist occupation was not found. Originality/value – Findings are discussed in terms of implications for individuals working within services supporting victims of rape and the potential consequences of holding stereotypical beliefs for rape victims and perpetrators. It is important that research identifies those factors that might bias decision making in the legal system and thus impact upon outcomes for victims and offenders.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 814-827 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annelise Mennicke ◽  
Delaney Anderson ◽  
Karen Oehme ◽  
Stephanie Kennedy

In a study to assess law enforcement officers’ perceptions of rape and rape victims, researchers asked 149 law enforcement officers to respond to surveys which included a definition of rape measure, an unfounded rape claims measure, and the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale-Revised (RMA-R) measure. Although most officers scored low on the RMA-R—indicating that they did not adhere to myths about rape—most officers also responded with incomplete definitions of rape and inaccurate estimates of the number of false rape claims. Multivariate analyses indicated that officers’ open-ended responses did not predict their scores on the RMA-R scale. It is argued that the RMA-R alone does not accurately measure officers’ understanding of rape. Officers need ongoing training on the legal elements of the crime, the necessity of sensitivity with victims, and research-based statistics on the prevalence of rape.


1993 ◽  
Vol 73 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1218-1218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca B. Spohn

To examine the social desirability correlates for acceptance of rape myths, university students, 134 women and 56 men, completed the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale. The mean score on the former was 98.8 and for the latter 14.3. Over-all, scores on the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale were not significantly correlated with scores on the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale ( r = .10). Values were .03 for women and .16 for men.


Author(s):  
Boglárka Nyúl ◽  
Anna Kende

AbstractThe Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (UIRMAS) has been widely used for measuring rape myth acceptance. The scale was created in the United States, however studies have shown that rape myth is a culturally and socially embedded phenomenon. Therefore, in order to measure rape myth acceptance in other parts of the world, the scale needs to be validated. Victim blaming and rape myths are both widespread in public reactions to rape in Hungary (i.e., in media reports and public opinion). Furthermore, Hungary can be characterized by a weak feminist movement and scoring low on gender equality measures. Nevertheless, we expected and found the reliability and validity of the Hungarian version of the Updated Illinois Rape myth acceptance Scale (UIRMAS). In Study 1 we conducted a confirmative factor analysis to assess the structural validity of the scale and identified the original factors of UIRMAS on a large convenience sample (N = 758, 25.4% men 74.6% women). In line with previous empirical evidence we also found that men, people with stronger just-world beliefs and higher sexism accepted rape myths more. In Study 2 we again found support for the original factor structure and construct validity of UIRMAS on a nationally representative sample (N = 1007, 49.2% men 50.8% women), and also tested its convergent and discriminant validity. The results suggest that UIRMAS is a valid and reliable scale in the Hungarian context that can, for example, be used for measuring impact assessment of interventions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel M. Venema

This study examines police officers’ perceptions of sexual assault and those who report sexual assault to the police, using a revised version of the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale along with a measure of social desirability bias. The study includes survey responses from 174 officers from 1 mid-sized police department in the Great Lakes region. Results show low to moderate levels of rape myth acceptance scores on the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, with highest scores related to victim lying. Officers report very high estimates of false reporting, indicating some rape myth acceptance. Officer level of education, rank, and estimates of false reporting influence rape myth acceptance; however, social desirability bias is an important explanatory factor. Implications for measurement and training are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-295
Author(s):  
Kallia Manoussaki ◽  
Valentina Gosetti

The aim of the present study was to determine whether ambivalent sexism predicts subtle rape myth acceptance. Respondents comprised of 211 university students, who completed the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (Glick & Fiske, 1996) and the updated version of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). Results indicated that while benevolent sexism significantly predicted acceptance of subtle rape myths, hostile sexism did not. Additionally, male participants reported more ambivalent sexism and subtle rape myth acceptance than females. These findings add to the literature investigating gender inequality and rape mythology by giving a first account on the link between subtle rape myths and ambivalent sexist attitudes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 088626052110550
Author(s):  
Rebekah E. Urban ◽  
Claudia Porras Pyland

Rape myths are widespread and contribute to a rape culture that excuses and normalizes permissive attitudes surrounding rape and sexual assault. To combat rape culture and decrease sexual assault, many programs focus on reducing rape myth acceptance (RMA). To best assess outcomes of such prevention efforts, we must ensure we are accurately measuring this construct. Current RMA scales are decades old and focus almost exclusively on cisgender women. As such, they are outdated and leave out important experiences of cisgender men and gender diverse individuals. The Gender Inclusive Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (GIRMA) was developed to address such limitations in current measures. Two studies were completed to develop and establish preliminary validation of the GIRMA. Study One included 614 adults in the United States, recruited through Amazon's Mechanical Turk; Study Two included 414 adults in the United States, recruited in the same way. An exploratory factor analysis was conducted with an original pool of 73 items that included myths about the experiences of cisgender women, cisgender men, transgender, and gender diverse individuals. Parallel analysis indicated a single factor structure for measuring rape myths. A confirmatory factor analysis was conducted for Study Two, which supported the single-factor approach. These analyses resulted in a concise, robust, inclusive 18-item scale to measure rape myths. Model fit was excellent, as was reliability. Additionally, construct validity was supported through examining the relationship between the GIRMA and previously validated RMA and sexism scales. The GIRMA offers researchers the ability to fully assess the construct of rape myths in a short, psychometrically sound manner. Future research is needed to investigate the reliability of the GIRMA in other populations.


Sexual Abuse ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (5) ◽  
pp. 543-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Navarro ◽  
Richard Tewksbury

Athletes are cited as common perpetrators of sexual victimization and are at greater risk of becoming offenders compared with nonathletes. Demographic, lifestyle, and social characteristics of 624 nonathletes and 101 athletes from 21 U.S. Division I postsecondary educational institutions were assessed, with the updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale gauging endorsement of rape myths. Results indicate that athletes and nonathletes were similar in the degree of rape myth acceptance, with athletes reporting stronger agreement with rape myths than nonathletes did. Predictors of rape myth acceptance among nonathletes are multidimensional. In contrast, nondemographic characteristics like Greek membership, the number of alcoholic beverages consumed, and knowing a sexual assault victim predict rape myth acceptance for athletes, with gender not predicting rape myth acceptance nor different between genders of athletes. Policy implications and future research are discussed.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jia Xue ◽  
Gang Fang ◽  
Hui Huang ◽  
Naixue Cui ◽  
Karin V. Rhodes ◽  
...  

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