scholarly journals Zbigniew Brzeziński a John Mearsheimer — dwie wizje rozwoju stosunków chińsko-amerykańskich

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Piotr Kimla

The analysis aims to show the differences in the approach to the growth of communist China as perceived by Zbigniew Brzeziński and John Mearsheimer. It shows that the distinctly different attitudes of these thinkers to China’s growth at the beginning of the 21st century were getting closer over time. It happened as a result of the evolving position of Brzeziński, who gradually realized the danger America’s consent and aid in China’s enormous economic leap poses to the United States. That is why, towards the end of his life, Brzeziński began to write about the necessity to include Russia in the political body of the West, on the condition, however, that Vladimir Putin, whose authoritarian rule aims to recreate the fascist experiment in Italy, is removed from power.

1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-167
Author(s):  
S. Bernard

The advent of a new administration in the United States and the passage of seven years since the end of World War II make it appropriate to review the political situation which has developed in Europe during that period and to ask what choices now are open to the West in its relations with the Soviet Union.The end of World War II found Europe torn between conflicting conceptions of international politics and of the goals that its members should seek. The democratic powers, led by the United States, viewed the world in traditional, Western, terms. The major problem, as they saw it, was one of working out a moral and legal order to which all powers could subscribe, and in which they would live. Quite independently of the environment, they assumed that one political order was both more practicable and more desirable than some other, and that their policies should be directed toward its attainment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 198-211
Author(s):  
Bohdan YAKYMOVYCH

Assessing the Ukrainian Revolution, 1917–1921, and the proclaiming of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic (ZUNR) as the second most crucial phenomenon in the history of the Ukrainian people after the establishment of the Cossack State under the leadership of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi in the 18th century, the author of this study pays special attention to the mistakes of the political and army leadership of the Galicians, which caused the demise of the state in the Galicia-Bukovyna-Zakarpattia region. The author identifies three periods, during which it was possible to send the Polish occupiers away from the territory of the Eastern Galicia. It was the wasted time, disorientation in the Polish domestic contradictions, disarrangement of the rear, failure to enforce the Act of Unification of the ZUNR, and the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UNR), as well as the developments in the Dnieper region, caused the demise of the ZUNR. The latter found itself face to face with the might of the revived Polish state already in the second quarter of 1919. Just at that time, the Entente, with a neutral position of the United States, supplied the Poles with considerable forces and means throwing the Ukrainians at the paws of Poland, Romania, and White and Red Russia. Keywords West Ukrainian People’s Republic (ZUNR), Lviv, Peremyshl (Przemysl), Dmytro Vitovskyi, Hnat Stefaniv, Mykhailo Omelianovych-Pavlenko


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Ahmad Sahide

Donald Trump is the 45th President of the United States who was sworn in on January 20, 2017. Donald Trump's victory shook the global political order because a number of his statements and political policies were very controversial. A number of controversial Trump policies include the recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, the closeness of relations with Vladimir Putin, to protectionist policies that get resistance from within and outside the country. The author uses the legitimacy theory in this study to see the political impact of the policies taken by Trump. The results of this study see that Donald Trump's policy controversy has an impact on the crisis of political legitimacy which results in the threat of US political supremacy in the global political arena.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Spencer W. McBride

This chapter describes the formation of the Council of Fifty, a secretive organization in Nauvoo created by Smith. Smith and the Council of Fifty consider solutions to the problems facing the Latter-day Saints. The council manages Smith’s presidential campaign and helps formulate plans to petition the federal government for redress or for a liberal tract of land in the west where the Mormons could resettle. The council also directs negotiations with the Republic of Texas for the Mormons to move there and occupy the contested Nueces Strip. It is also in the Council of Fifty that Smith and others discuss the eventual replacement of the United States government with a theodemocracy ahead of the Second Coming of Jesus Christ.


2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bartle ◽  
Sebastian Dellepiane-Avellaneda ◽  
James Stimson

The political ‘centre’ is often discussed in debates about public policy and analyses of party strategies and election outcomes. Yet, to date, there has been little effort to estimate the political centre outside the United States. This article outlines a method of estimating the political centre using public opinion data collected for the period between 1950 and 2005. It is demonstrated that it is possible to measure the centre in Britain, that it moves over time, that it shifts in response to government activity and, furthermore, that it has an observable association with general election outcomes.


2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 326-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Orentlicher

Although international covenants have long recognized a fundamental right to healthcare, and other countries provide healthcare coverage for all of their citizens, rights to healthcare in the United States have been adopted only grudgingly, and in a manner that is inherently unstable. While a solid right to healthcare would provide much benefit to individuals and society, the political and judicial branches of the U.S. government have granted rights that are incomplete and vulnerable to erosion over time.Unfortunately, enactment of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) does not change these fundamental weaknesses in the regime of U.S. healthcare rights. Millions of Americans will remain uninsured after ACA takes full effect, and rather than creating a more stable right to healthcare, ACA gives unstable rights to more people. As a result, even if ACA survives its constitutional challenges, access to healthcare still will be threatened by the potential for attrition of the rights that ACA provides.


2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (06) ◽  
pp. 130-138
Author(s):  
A. V. Sharavin ◽  

The article compares the memoirs of dissidents and the prose of V. Aksenov and S. Dovlatov (books "In Search of a Sad Baby", "Craft", "Suitcase"). There is a difference in approaches to the creation of texts. In the memoirs of dissidents, the political and ideological aspects of emigration are reproduced, the stages of departure are described in detail. In the prose of the writers of the third wave, the image of the artist of the word, an exile, forcibly separated from his homeland, is comprehended. V. Aksenov and S. Dovlatov follow the tradition that has developed in literature - images of the power / poet opposition. Writers, like immigrants who are not professional writers, do not strive to document all the nuances of going to the West, their goal is to go beyond comprehending only the socio-political aspects of going abroad. Writers solve aesthetic problems, political realities for them are only a reflection of the entourage of external circumstances. Thus, V. Aksenov establishes successive ties between the creators of the "Silver Age" and the artists of the third wave of words. For the autobiographical hero S. Dovlatov, expulsion from the USSR and "relocation" to the United States is an opportunity to realize himself as a person freed from the ideological component, to comprehend the "particularity" of his existence.


2021 ◽  
pp. 161-205
Author(s):  
Deva R. Woodly

Chapter 5 reports on the political impacts of the movement thus far, including the way it has reshaped public discourse and political meanings, transformed public opinion, and influenced public policy. This chapter contains extensive empirical data, including records of public opinion change over time, maps of where progressive prosecutors have been elected across the United States, lists of policies aimed at “defunding the police” or what abolitionist call nonreformist reforms, which emphasize divesting from police and prisons and investing in social support, policies that are under consideration or have been adopted by state and municipal legislatures.


Economies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franklin G. Mixon ◽  
Chandini Sankaran ◽  
Kamal P. Upadhyaya

This study extends the political science and political psychology literature on the political ideology of lawmakers by addressing the following question: How stable is a legislator’s political ideology over time? In doing so, we employ Nokken–Poole scores of legislators’ political ideology for members of the United States (U.S.) House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate who were elected prior to the 103rd Congress that began in early 1991 and who served consecutively through the 115th Congress, which ended in early 2019. Results from individual time-series estimations suggest that political ideology is unstable over time for a sizable portion of the members of both major political parties who serve in the U.S. Congress, while analysis of the pooled data suggests that, after accounting for inertia in political ideology and individual legislator effects, Republican legislators become more conservative over time. These results run somewhat counter to the finding in prior studies that the political ideologies of lawmakers and other political elites are stable over time.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (04) ◽  
pp. 737-755
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Coggins ◽  
James A. Stimson

Our focus is a puzzle: that ideological identification as “liberal” is in serious decline in the United States, but at the same time support for liberal policies and for the political party of liberalism is not. We aim to understand this divorce in “liberal” in name and “liberal” in policy by investigating how particular symbols rise and fall as associations with the ideological labels “liberal” and “conservative.” We produce three kinds of evidence to shed light on this macro-level puzzle. First, we explore the words associated with “liberal” and “conservative” over time. Then we take up a group conception by examining the changing correlations between affect toward “liberals” and affect toward other groups. Finally, we consider the changing policy correlates of identification.


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