scholarly journals Book publishing in Vyatka region in the early XX century

Bibliosphere ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Yu. V. Pershina

The Russian government in the field of extracurricular education in the early XX century persuded certain goals: preserving the state foundations inviolability, spreading the Orthodoxy tenets, raising the people cultural level. These objectives were being realized through book publishing. The public policy conductors were the governor administration, Vyatka diocese. The local territorial self-government played a certain role. The article purpose is to consider the Russian state policy specifics on development of book publishing in the early XX century implemented in Vyatka region. The study objectives are: to identify ways and methods of implementing the government policy on adult education in the specified field of activity; to show the role of local and territorial self-government and Vyatka diocese in developing the regional book publishing. The author uses historical-typological and historical-systematic methods; a historical-genetic technique is applied to identify the dynamics and historical perspective of Vyatka territorial self-government power and bodies activities in the printing field. An aggregative method makes it possible to collect the scattered facts and make a complete judgment on the studied subject. From the author’s viewpoint, cultural-historical and anthropological approaches allow highlighting the main policy objective of the Russian empire government on book publishing development in the early XX century, realized by Vyatka provincial authorities and local self-government bodies, which was to increase the population spiritual culture level. According to the census of 1897, only 21% of the population was literate, while the literacy rate for men in 1913 grew to 40%. By the beginning of 1913 the number of literate peasants in Vyatka province reached nearly 667 000 people. The Vyatka governor administration, the police sought to control colporteurs-ofens’ work. The aboriginal translation сommission has functioned in the province. A major role in organizating the book trade in Vyatka region played a warehouse created by the provincial zemstvo in 1894. In 1913 the provincial government agreed to its abolition. In the 1970s Vyatka provincial zemstvo undertook publishing activity. The local territorial self-government and Vyatka diocese showed themselves the most active in the sphere of people extracurricular education and book business in Vyatka province in the early XX century. The protective function dominated in Vyatka government activities.

KRITIS ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-176
Author(s):  
Brian L Djumaty ◽  
Nina Putri Hayam Dey

Since the enactment of decentralization local government have been granted the authority to organize, protect society etc. Given the authority that Central Kalimantan provincial government issued a policy (Pergub No. 15 tahun 2010 on guidelines for land clearing and yard for the people) to protect the local community in the tradition / habit of farming by burning forests to customary provisions. The aim of this study is to describe and analyze the extent to which public policy relevance since the issuance of the policy in 2010-2015 and to what extent these policies protect the local wisdom. the method used is descriptive qualitative study, using the study of literature in the process of data collection. Results and discussion of these studies show that 1) in 2015 created a policy that is no longer relevant because the whole area of Central Kalimantan is 15.3 million hectares, 12.7 hectares (78%) is controlled by plantation companies. 2) goodwill by the Government of Central Kalimantan to protect local communities need to be given appreciation. But this policy could apply / relevant if it is done before the 90s because many forests and local people still farming to meet food needs.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3/1) ◽  
pp. 93-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. G. PETROVICH ◽  
S. I. SAMSONOV

The article deals with the dynamics of the development of the Far  East with the help of labor migration in the period from the 1860s to  the present day. The authors analyze the intensity of migration  flows, the reasons for their decline or increase, talk about new settlements founded by immigrants from the Saratov Volga  region in the Amur and Primorye regions of the Russian Empire, and  trace the fate of these settlements to this day. The authors identify  the reasons for the lack of support for the resettlement movement in the Russian Empire by the state until the beginning of the  twentieth century, and the reasons that prompted  the government  to develop an effective resettlement program since 1906. Attention  is paid to the participation of Saratov in the Russian-Japanese war in  the Far East. The extensive statistical material contained in the  official publications following the results of the all-Russian population censuses of 1897, 2002 and 2010 is used. Internet sources,  websites of public organizations, official state bodies, mass media  are attracted. The migration policy of P.A. Stolypin, Prime Minister of  Imperial Russia and former Saratov Governor- General is analyzed.  In comparison with it, the project "far Eastern hectare" is  considered, which the modern Russian government considers as the  main tool for the inflow of population to the vast far Eastern territories. The authors prove the ineffectiveness of the  project due to the small amount of allocated land, their unsuitability  for agriculture or other socially significant activities, remoteness  from communications, the lack of benefits for immigrants on such a scale as it was a century ago. The conclusion to which the  researchers come: only taking into account the experience of  generations of Russians in the development of the Far East, the  traditional connection of the regions of Russia, proved by the  example of the Saratov  Volga region, providing immigrants with all  the necessary and benefits no worse than a century ago, it is  possible to ensure the priority development of the Far East.


Author(s):  
Anatolij Zhitko ◽  

Introduction. The upper class of Belarus within the Russian Empire attracted the attention of researchers. However, the restrictive economic policy of the Russian government towards the nobility of the Roman Catholic faith has not been the subject of special study. The aim of the article is to identify the main aspects of the discriminative policy of the autocracy against the Catholic nobility of Belarus in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Methodology. The study is based on the fundamental principles of historical knowledge – historicism, objectivity, value-based approach, and traditional general scientific and concrete historical methods were used to implement the research tasks. Results. In 1858 in the Belarusian provinces the hereditary nobility made up one third of the upper class of the European part of Russia. The implementation of the “parsing the shliahta” policy led to a sharp reduction in the Catholic nobility by 1865. The government sought to economically undermine the economic activities of the Catholic nobility and equalize Russian and Catholic land ownership in the Belarusian region. This was reflected in the preferential sale of sequestered and confiscated estates, the prohibition of land purchases by Catholics, all kinds of fines and especially through contribution fee and a tax to support the Orthodox clergy. Conclusion. The government’s discriminative policy towards Catholic nobility was aimed at curbing the economic activity of “the Poles” in Belarus. The main elements of its implementation were the sequestration and confiscation of the estates of Catholics who directly or indirectly participated in the uprising of 1863–1864, various fines, the prohibition of the purchase of land holdings, contribution fee, taxes on maintaining the Orthodox Church, etc. At the same time, this policy did not lead to the expected results. At the beginning of the 20th century the Catholic nobility outnumbered the Russian nobility in land ownership.


10.33287/1196 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 58-70
Author(s):  
І. С. Карпань ◽  
Н. С. Чернікова

The article deals with problems of the noble class in post-reform period in Russia (70–90-ies XIXth cent.) through A. Bobrinsky’s activity as the Leader of the St. Petersburg nobility. The study analyzed his activities towards the Nobility consolidation and involvement their representatives into development of Russian state policy. A. Bobrinsky belonged to the family of large landowners and successful sugar-growers of the Russian Empire. It greatly influenced to the formation of his political worldview and contributed to the growth of the young Count’s authority among the Nobility and Gentry. In the last quarter of the XIXth cent. A. Bobrinsky defended the dominant position of the Nobility as the provincial Governor (the Leader) of the St. Petersburg nobility. A. Bobrinsky’s main efforts were aimed to the consolidation of the Gentry to defend their own rights and privileges and their involvement to the Russian state authorities. He promoted the idea of founding a representative institution – the Duma or Zemsky Sobor – in Russian Empire. However, the purpose of its creation he was seen in the count in the redistribution of executive, judicial and punitive powers between government representatives and elected people from the Nobility. He was convinced that only the Gentry was worthy to represent the interests of Russian society in the state authorities. During this period, the young Bobrinsky attempted to unite the St. Petersburg nobility into the organization of «Svyataya Druzhyna». It was a semi-secret organization which established to protect of the Russian Tsar from possible terrorist acts. The purpose of the organization was rather limited and local, so it disintegrated soon. However, it contributed to the growth of A. Bobrysky’s authority as a loyal to the Tsar and autocracy personality. It had a great importance in the conditions of the economic and political crisis of the noble class. In the 90’s of the XIX cent. A. Bobrinsky took an active part in nobility meetings devoted to problems of the privileged class. Here he defended an idea of preserving the privileges and dominant position of the estate Nobility. He opposed the provision of political rights and state support to the estateless nobles-homeowners and representatives of the bourgeoisie. A. Bobrinsky didn’t reject an idea to create conditions for the nobility replenishment by the new social classes, but he saw it possibility only in the distant future. However, even government support didn’t contribute to consolidation processes and politicization among the nobility class. A. Bobrinsky with sadness stated that the meetings of the noble leaders continued to be only like private talks about preserving the nobility former positions in the social structure. So he had to change strategy and initiated the founding in 1906 a new organization – the United Nobility. During the next decade its existence largely predetermined the main directions of Russian government policy and as a whole.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 240-248
Author(s):  
. Karomani ◽  
. Mahpul ◽  
M. Iwan Satriawan

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a serious impact on various aspects of Indonesia, especially the economy. The government has made countermeasures by issuing various policies and social programs. However, the implementation of policies is not necessarily followed by the attitude of the people who are not disciplined and indifferent. The role of higher education is very much needed to provide guidance with a humanist approach. Therefore, it is necessary to have a synergy of good cooperation between local governments and universities in facing obstacles in overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic. The research aims to analyze how the synergy between the government and universities is in overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic cases in the community. The research was conducted with a qualitative approach. The data were obtained through literature review and interviews with the Provincial Government of Lampung and the University of Lampung. The results of the study show that the synergy between the government and universities is good. This is shown by interaction and mutual support. Where the government acts as a policy maker and facilitator, while universities act as a support for implementation through community service programs.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Sobar Podu ◽  
A. Qadir Gassing ◽  
Usman Jafar ◽  
Abd. Halim Talli

This paper elaborates on the Papuan People's Assembly Electing Non-Muslim Leaders in Non-Muslim Majority Areas in the Perspective of Mashid Syari'ah in Jayapura City, Papua Province. The results of this study indicate that the Papuan People's Council (MRP) elects leaders in non-Muslim majority areas in the perspective of maqasid syari'ah in Papua, in its role in the process of organizing the selection of prospective leaders in Papua, has taken away the rights of citizens in general. it is decided by the competent authority of the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) following what has been decided by formal institutions, such as the General Election Commission (KPU) and traditional institutions that have been given authority according to law. In the provisions of Law No. 21 of 2001 on Papua Special Autonomy, there is no room or space for immigrants. As for the recruitment process for prospective leaders such as Governors and Deputy Governors based on Law No. 21 of 2001 The basic matters that constitute the contents of this Law include the arrangement of authority between the Government and the Provincial Government of Papua and the application of this authority in Papua Province which is carried out with specificity. This law places indigenous Papuans and the population of Papua in general as the main subjects. The existence of the Government, Provincial Government, Regency / City Government, as well as the apparatus under them, are all directed at providing the best service and empowering the people. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (86) ◽  
pp. 182-186
Author(s):  
M.M. Tymochko

«Prosvita (Enlightment)» is the name for Ukrainian public societies aiming at mass spreading of education, culture and national consciousness among the people, which have functioned on Ukrainian lands and beyond Ukraine since the end of 1868 and up to now. The first «Prosvita» Society was founded in Lviv on December 8, 1868 and became the largest organization in Halychyna and the head organization for other societies which later became independent. The activity of «Prosvita» was regulated by the Statute, changes to which were introduced in case of necessity. The number of members in the first years was not large: 1869 – 100 members, 1870 – 204, 1872 – 145, 1874 – 289. According to the Statute of 1891 «Prosvita» got an opportunity not only to educate the workers and peasants but also to support them economically. The society was gradually becoming all-Ukrainian. By the example of «Prosvita» in Halychyna, «Ruska Besida» emerged in Bukovyna. And after the revolution in Russia in1905 new societies appeared in East Ukraine. They were headed by outstanding writers, scientists and public men – B. Hrinchenko, Lesya Ukrainka, S. Yefremov, M. Kotsubynskyi, M. Arkas. The Russian government prohibited their activities in some years after their foundation. Instead, in 1912 the reading rooms of «Prosvita» in Halychyna were affiliated with 540 shops, 339 small lending institutions and 121 public pantries. Under the supervision of the Society there were three economic and trade schools. Throughout 1869–1918 «Prosvita» published 477 titles of books in an edition of about 3.5 million copies. In 1939 the «Prosvita» Society numbered 360 thousand members, what made up to 15% of all the adult Ukrainian population, and the network of its reading rooms encompassed 85% of West Ukrainian lands. Throughout 1868–1939 the heads of Lviv «Prosvita» were A. Vakhnianyn, Yu. Lavrivskyi, V. Fedorovych, Yu. Ohonovskyi, Yu. Romanchuk, Ye. Olesnytskyi, P. Ohonovskyi, I. Kyveliuk, M. Halushchynskyi, I. Bryk, Yu. Dzerovych, and the heads of renewed «Prosvita» were R. Ivanychuk, R. Lubkivskyi, Ya. Pitko. The Bolshevik regime that settled in September 1939 in West Ukraine abolished «Prosvita», and thousands of its activists were subjected to repression. After the Bolshevik massacre in1922 in the East of Ukraine, and in 1939 in the West, the whole burden of «Prosvita» work and book publishing was overtaken by the Ukrainian Diaspora of Europe and America, the great contributions of which we take advantage of until today. The «Prosvita» Society in Ukraine was renewed on June 13, 1988. The Communist authority forbade to hold the foundation meeting of the Shevchenko Association of the Ukrainian Language and in this way provoked the first unsanctioned political meeting, at which the Statute of the Society was adopted. That day became the date of «Prosvita» renewal and the year of 2018 was proclaimed the year of «Prosvita» in Lviv region.


Author(s):  
Sergey A. Sotnikov ◽  
Andrey A. Sotnikov ◽  
Galina P. Kamneva

The article deals with the problems of the institution of autocratic monarchy in the mid 19th century, which entailed an unprecedented rise of the revolutionary territorial movement. Public life liberalisation that followed the era of the "oppression of censorship and reaction" under Nicholas I gave the ideological and philosophical foundations to the terrorist methods of the revolutionary struggle. The spread of nihilistic ideas in society based on the denial of existing state foundations, law and morality, contributed to the radicalisation of forms and methods of political struggle against the government, which, in the opinion of revolutionaries, was uneager to continue socio-economic transformations in the interests of the broad masses of people. The authors are of the opinion that transition to terror was associated with disillusionment with peaceful methods of political struggle (especially after the failure of "going to the people"). The article analyses the gender aspect of terrorism in the Russian empire – female terrorism from the point of view of new historiographic approaches.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
И.Т. Марзоев

The process of integration of the Caucasian peoples into a single Russian judicial-administrative and socio-economic system of statehood was one of the most relevant in the Russian Empire in the first half and middle of the XIXth century. For its implementation, the government of the state was undertaking both administrative, socio-cultural and economic measures. An importantcomponent of this process was the sphere of economical and rational land use. Mountain feudal lords were endowed with land ownership on the foothill plain. In the first half of the XIXth century, many Ossetian feudal lords with their relatives and subservient peasants began to move from the mountains to the flat lands allocated to them by the Russian administration in the Caucasus. The formation of one of the large Ossetian villages on the plain is associated with the name of the Tagaur Aldar, Lieutenant Beslan-Hadji Surkhaovich Tulatov (17931864).This study examines the pedigree of Beslan Tulatov, who came from the privileged class of the Tagaur Society of North Ossetia - the Tagaur Aldar. His fate is inextricably linked with the Russian army. For his courage, zeal and participation in various kinds of expeditions, he was awarded several orders and medals, and in 1834 promoted to ensign, which gave him the rights of a hereditary nobleman. The data on the service and merits to the Russian government of other representatives of this branch of the Tulatovs family is also given. Particular attention is paid to marriages concluded by the Tulatovs with the Ossetian and Kabardian aristocracy.The materials of the article significantly supplement the history of North Ossetia in the first half of the XIXth century, and also contribute to deeper and more updated study of the genealogy of the privileged stratum of the Tagaur Society of North Ossetia of the Tagaur Aldars.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hasse Jubba ◽  
Muhammad Rafi ◽  
Zuly Qodir

This article aims to explain the efforts of the government and the people of Riau in promoting Islamic Malay identity. Through observation, literature study and documentation study, several efforts were found to support the continuity of Malay identity amidst various challenges today. The concept of identity politics is used to analyze the above problems and it is found that there are three construction processes of a social identity which include legitimate identity, resistant identity, and project identity. This paper finds the finding that the efforts to emphasize Islamic Malay identity by the government and the people of Riau are carried out in three stages. First, efforts to legitimize the Malay identity through the formation of the Riau Customary Institution (LAM) which is dedicated to protecting and preserving the heritage of the Malay symbol and in cooperation with the Riau Provincial Government. Second, efforts to fight against the negative stigma attached to Malay culture in the past. Third, the identification of Malay as Islam and vice versa through the promotion of Malay as an effort to ward off previous negative views and to affirm the existence of Islamic Malay culture in Riau.


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