scholarly journals State Authority and Lynching in Latin America

Author(s):  
Giovanni B. Corvino ◽  

Social scientists observed a significant increase in the number of lynchings in contemporary Latin America. The reasons for the rise are wide-ranging and conflicting. However, there are commonalities with the well-known cases of the United States of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in which state legitimacy was the subject of intense debate. Therefore, this essay aims at observing why state intervention was deemed illegitimate in resolving local disputes that led to the vigilantes’ use of this form of extra-legal violence.

1945 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-103
Author(s):  
J. Orin Oliphant

Slowly during the years just preceding our War of 1812, and rapidly during the decade that followed the Peace of Ghent, the vast reaches of Latin America swam within the ken of the people of the United States. Of this “discovery” of our southern neighbors and of our relations with Latin America before 1830, we have learned much from a volume recently brought out by a distinguished historian of the United States, Professor Arthur P. Whitaker. Professor Whitaker's informing study was intended to be nothing less than a well-rounded history of the impact of Latin America upon the United States to 1830; and such it has proved to be—with one exception. Professor Whitaker completely overlooked the religious phase of the subject he otherwise treated so skillfully. Upon this neglected part of the history of our early relations with Latin America this paper will endeavor to throw some light.


1979 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 97-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce L. Mouser

Rare has been the book on Africa that has acquired a history and become the subject of study in its own right. One such is the autobiography of Théophilus Conneau, a slave dealer of French and Italian background, who lived on the west coast of Africa during the 1830s and 1840s. Various accounts of Conneau's experiences in Guinea and Liberia have been translated into four languages, and were even incorporated into a successful novel in 1933, on which was based a motion picture. The latest version of Conneau's life story (and the occasion for this paper) was published as recently as 1976.Conneau's story first came to press in 1854 through the editorial assistance and skill of Brantz Mayer, a lecturer, author, and journalist of the Baltimore area, known principally for his writings about Latin America. Having obtained experience and contacts with publishers by editing manuscripts and letters, Mayer was a valuable asset to a new author in 1853. Recently discovered letters from Conneau to Mayer and Mayer's own account of the relationship between them suggest an interesting beginning for this literary enterprise. Conneau found himself in 1853 in Baltimore where he met James Hall, whom he had known previously in Liberia. Hall had been an enthusiastic supporter of the Maryland settlement for freed Blacks at Cape Palmas and had served as that settlement's first governor from 1833 to 1836. Concluding that Conneau's story of a repentant slave trader would be of value to the cause of anti-slavery and black emigration from the United States to Africa, Hall suggested that Conneau write his memoirs and introduced him to Mayer.


1955 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Henry Grattan Doyle

A POPULAR RADIO SERIES a dozen years ago, dealing broadly with the important area that is the subject of my talk tonight, was called (borrowing its title from Shakespeare) “Brave New World.” Braver still, in the modern sense, is the commentator who tries in a brief talk like this to deal with even one phase of the vast area, of some eight million square miles, and constituting about one-fifth of the world’s inhabited continents, that lies South of the continental United States. But I am what is called in Spanish an “Old Christian” in these matters, which may be roughly interpreted as the opposite of a “Johnny-Come-Lately,” as our own phrase has it. I have been a student of this area for nearly fifty years, a teacher of one of its languages, Spanish, and of the literature and other written materials published in that language, for more than forty years. During the past four years I have spent my summer vacations on educational missions that took me to all of the American republics except two—Bolivia and Paraguay. In some instances I have made two or three visits to individual countries during that period, supplementing a number of earlier trips, the first of which was in 1916. So I must be as “brave” as the fascinating and to us tremendously important complex of nations that make up the New World outside of the United States and Canada, which for want of a really accurate term we call Latin America.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
William Perry

The Purpose of this essay is to outline, at least in part, the Latin America agenda of the Republican Party for the 1990s as it appears to me. The subject is both timely and important. However, I can claim no special insight in this regard and, given the nature of the two parties, no one has, or really could, authorize my effort. Such an endeavor probably requires roughly equal measures of analysis, and speculation with respect to the future course of events here in the United States, within the region and around the globe. Given these caveats, I am pleased to try to lay out the Hemispheric policy agenda which I believe that the Republican Party should, and will, follow during the decade to come. Although my partisan sympathies will undoubtedly shine through, I can only hope that my viewpoints will not diverge too greatly from those of my esteemed friend and colleague, Ambassador Ambler H. Moss.


1975 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. A. Reynolds

In 1919 the world's first chair in international politics was founded at Aberystwyth. Now fifty-six years later a British Journal of International Studies achieves publication. The journal is timely – even overdue. It has predecessors of high quality in the United States, in Canada, in India, in Norway and in many other countries. The subject is taught widely in Europe, in Japan and many countries of Asia, in Africa and Latin America, more recently in Eastern Europe, and throughout the United States; but in the United Kingdom, though it is represented in some twenty-four universities and in several polytechnics, it is taught extensively only in eight of these institutions. It seemed appropriate, in the first number of the new journal, to review the somewhat hesitant cultivation of the field in this country, and to consider how the subject generally appears to be moving. The paper accordingly begins with a quick survey of evolution n i a changing historical context, examines recent explorations of methodology and expansion of range, and makes some comments about directions of advance which in the opinion of the writer seem promising or likely to be fruitful.


Author(s):  
Dionisio FERNÁNDEZ DE GATTA SÁNCHEZ

LABURPENA: Gas ez-konbentzionalaren esplorazioa eta erauzketa, haustura hidraulikoaren bidez, eztabaida biziko gaia da gaur egun, Estatu Batuetan izandako garapena eta ingurumen-eragina oinarri hartuta. Eztabaida hori Europar Batasunera eta Espainiara heldu da, eta batzuetan debekuzko jarrerak hartu dira. Lan honetan, Europar Batasunak gai horretan egindako ekintzak aztertzen dira, bai eta aplika daitezkeen arau espezifikoak eta ingurumen-arauak ere. Halaber, horrelako eragiketei aplika dakiekeen Espainiako legedia aztertzen da, hauek nabarmentzen direla: Hidrokarburoen sektorearen Legearen aldaketako xedapen zehatza, 2013ko Ingurumen-ebaluaziori buruzko Lege berria, eta Konstituzio Auzitegiaren 2014ko epaiak (Estatuaren eskumenak berresten dira epai horietan). RESUMEN: La exploración y la extracción de gas no convencional mediante fracturación hidráulica es objeto de un intenso debate en la actualidad, sobre la base del desarrollo producido en los Estados Unidos y de su incidencia ambiental. Debate que se ha trasladado a la Unión Europea y a España, con actitudes prohibitivas en algunos casos. El trabajo analiza la actuación de la Unión Europea en la materia y las normas específicas y ambientales aplicables, así como la legislación española aplicable a tales operaciones, resaltando la previsión expresa en la modificación de la Ley del Sector de Hidrocarburos y nueva Ley de Evaluación Ambiental de 2013, así como las Sentencias del Tribunal Constitucional de 2014 reafirmando las competencias del Estado. ABSTRACT: Exploration and extraction of unconventional gas through fracking (hydraulic fracturing) is the subject of intense debate today on the basis of development produced in the United States and its environmental impact. Debate has been transferred to the European Union and Spain, with attitudes prohibitive in some cases. The paper analyzes the performance of the European Union in the field and the specific and applicable environmental standards, as well as the Spanish legislation applicable to such transactions, highlighting the express provision in the modification of the Hydrocarbons Sector Act and new Environmental Assessment Act of 2013, as well as the judgments of the Constitutional Court in 2014 reaffirming the powers of the State.


Author(s):  
Tony Smith

This chapter examines the United States' liberal democratic internationalism from George W. Bush to Barack Obama. It first considers the Bush administration's self-ordained mission to win the “global war on terrorism” by reconstructing the Middle East and Afghanistan before discussing the two time-honored notions of Wilsonianism espoused by Democrats to make sure that the United States remained the leader in world affairs: multilateralism and nation-building. It then explores the liberal agenda under Obama, whose first months in office seemed to herald a break with neoliberalism, and his apparent disinterest in the rhetoric of democratic peace theory, along with his discourse on the subject of an American “responsibility to protect” through the promotion of democracy abroad. The chapter also analyzes the Obama administration's economic globalization and concludes by comparing the liberal internationalism of Bush and Obama.


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