scholarly journals U. S. FOREIGN TRADE RESTRICTIONS UNDER UNSTABLE DYNAMICS OF INTERNATIONAL TRAD E

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-26
Author(s):  
L. F. Lebedeva

The paper describes factors that lead to the United States trade restrictions, particularly export control at the end of the second decade; the challenges of the United States policy, prospects for international  trade  relations.  World  trade  is  expected  to  grow  this  year  after  reducing  in  the previous one. The outlook for trade development remains with a large degree of uncertainty due to economic, financial risks, effects of struggle against pandemia; national policies. The US trade restriction policies are  in focus. Besides imposing import tariffs;  controlling  exports  of  software, sensitive  equipment,  technology  has  been  transformed  under  Trump’s  administration  in  the context  of  national  security,  foreign  policy  objectives.  Limiting  access  to  the  most  sensitive  U.S. technology has been putting in practice along with new export controls on software; restrictions on  the  emerging  and  foundational  technologies.  Export  Control  Reform  that  was  passed  by Congress and signed into law by President Trump has determined a new stage in US policy and may bring more uncertainty as concerning relations with other countries.

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margherita Russo ◽  
◽  
Fabrizio Alboni ◽  
Jorge Carreto Sanginés ◽  
Manlio De Domenico ◽  
...  

In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-53
Author(s):  
Johni Robert Verianto Korwa

Australia is currently faced with a strategic and economic dilemma regarding its interactions with China and the United States (US). On the one hand, it should maintain and strengthen its strategic relations with the US as an ally in order to contain a rising China. On the other hand, Australia should ensure its economic growth by strengthening trade relations with China. This paper aims to examine the implications of the new China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) for the ANZUS strategic alliance. Through Qualitative Approach, this article analyzes the issues with the use of realist and liberal perspectives in international relations. By assessing two previous events involving the triangular Australia-US-China relationship (the case of the Taiwan conflict, and the US development of a National Missile Defense system), this paper concludes that ChAFTA may tend to undermine the ANZUS alliance. Three reasons for this conclusion are identified: a fundamental shift in the way Australia perceives China; ChAFTA offers more benefits to Australia than the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA); and finally Australia may consider ChAFTA as being more in its national interests in the international system than the ANZUS alliance.


Author(s):  
K. O. Chudinova

The increasing level of tension in the trade relations between the United States and other countries, especially China; the potential escalation of trade wars, when countries take more and more explicit retaliatory protectionist measures, becomes a sustainability risk to development of international trade. The US actions taken in 2018–2019 to protect the internal market turned into into a full-fledged trade war, directed primarily against China - the country the United States has the largest trade deficit with. The introduction of the US tariff restrictions on imports from China and several other countries has caused retaliatory measures, as a result the uncertainty of the prospects for international trade increases. Non-tariff measures, such as phytosanitary requirements and technical barriers to trade, have also seen an increase in restrictions.An important source of controversy is the different positions of countries regarding the permissible degree of state support for enterprises. Developed countries, especially the United States, Japan, and the countries of the European Union, have fairly rigidly regulated rules regarding free competition. A cause for great concern is not only the US trade war with China and its consequences for other countries, but also the problems of international trade regulation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 589-598
Author(s):  
N. V. Sang ◽  
L. Trang

Purpose of the study: This study investigated the history of trade relations between the United States and the British West Indies from 1823 to 1846. Methodology: This article uses a combination of historical approach and interdisciplinary approach through statistics, analysis of statistical reports, and content of scientific publications on the topic. Main Findings: The author of this article has analyzed the value of trade and the structure of exchanged products, compared the trade value between the US and the British West Indies with other regions as well as its effect on the US, British Indies in the context of the British-American relations in the first half of the nineteenth century. Applications of this study: This study can be useful to understand the history of trade relations between the US and the British colonies in the West Indies during the first half of the nineteenth century. It can also be used for academic purposes for universities, researchers, lecturers of history and political sciences as well as undergraduate and postgraduate students. Novelty/Originality of this study: This paper is the first study on the history of trade relations between the US and the British West Indies between 1823 and 1846.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Yiquan Wang

Trade disputes between Japan and South Korea have become increasingly serious. Some people blame the US president for this dispute, while others associate this with the need for the two countries to maintain the upper hand in Asia. Some of the problems are caused by trade restrictions and mutual embargoes between the two countries, all of which are aimed at achieving hegemony. Realism insists that the state develops on a self-sufficient basis, and the fundamental reason for its availability is to strengthen its own strength to help them get assistance in advance. The study will seek to assess whether Japan is willing to strengthen and congest power by undermining the Korean budget. Liberal internationalism assumes that the current global order may create peace, and global cooperation is an effective way to improve national interests. This view will assess whether Japan and South Korea will resolve their problems in a sincere manner and whether the United States will take a more active stance when making a resolution.


Author(s):  
Harold M. Crockett ◽  
Naoki Hiranuma ◽  
Masao Honjin ◽  
Jeffrey S. Horowitz

Dealing with the consequences of flow accelerated corrosion (FAC) has become an important problem for nuclear utilities worldwide. Recent fatal accidents at the Mihama Unit 3 nuclear station in Japan and at the fossil-fired Iatan Power Plant in the US unit have highlighted the importance of this issue. This paper will examine and compare the programmatic approaches taken by the Japanese nuclear power industry and the approach taken in the United States. In both countries, formal FAC programs were initiated, to a large degree, in response to the failure of a condensate elbow at the Surry Unit 2 station in 1986. In spite of this common beginning, different paths were taken. In Japan, JSME established three voluntary consensus standards after the Mihama accident. One standard provides generic requirements and two separate standards for BWRs and PWRs. The two specific standards require a comprehensive inspection program followed by re-inspections at fixed intervals. The areas inspected were defined by the general operating conditions and the system design specifications. After the Surry accident, the United States nuclear utilities developed a consensus based on inspecting a sample of locations, and performing follow-on work based on the results of these inspections. The inspection locations were determined by analysis, operating experience, and engineering judgment. This approach was documented in NSAC-202L.


Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (12) ◽  
pp. 1593-1610 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongick Jeong ◽  
Sun Young Lee

This study examined the influence of a variety of factors on the news coverage of international disasters occurring between 1 January 1996 and 31 December 2013 in 10 representative US news outlets over a 4-week period. The results showed that the severity of a disaster, as measured by death toll and financial losses, was the most consistent and significant factor influencing international disaster coverage in the US news media. Various geopolitical factors, such as trade relations with the United States, distance from the United States, gross domestic product, military expenditure, and political rights, also came into play, but the effects of these varied over time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Rett R. Ludwikowski ◽  

The main goal of this article is to present to the European reader the implications of the unstable relationships between the United States and an integrated Europe. The article focuses on the trade relations between the US and Europe in the globalization era. It explains the meaning of some basic terms used by trade experts, such as globalization, regionalization, glocalization, and strategic trade. The author also tries to explore the reasons for the recent crisis of global trade. The main part of the paper reviews the major disputes between these two regions which resulted in postponing of the negotiations of the Trans-Atlantic Free Trade Agreement. As we have observed in the introduction of the article, the relationships between the European Union and the United States have always been complicated and the article presents the main reasons for these disagreements. In a time of renewed Trans-Atlantic negotiations, pro-American sentiments in Europe grew stronger, and European experts on trade and politics emphasized that the US significantly increased support for the European Deterrence Initiative (EDI). Still, with comments repeated by President Trump many times that “Europe needs its own army”, the European media began warning the readers that the crisis in US-EU relations may soon return.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (53) ◽  
pp. 181-187
Author(s):  
S.A. Starykh  ◽  
◽  
 S.A. Lavoshnikova ◽  
 A.D. Chesnokova ◽  
◽  
...  

Subject. Trade relations between the United States and China on the example of Apple and Huawei. Topic. The competitiveness of Apple and Huawei products. Purpose. Calculate the integral indicator by means of technical and economic parameters of the competitiveness of products of these organizations. Methodology. Methods of logical and comparative analysis of the turnover of Apple and Huawei companies. Results. Large-scale forms of competition acquire the character of a trade war, which increasingly restrains the opponent with the help of the non-price factor of competition. Application area. The trade balance between China and the United States by means of sales of Apple and Huawei products. Conclusions. The article examines the consequences of the trade war between the United States and China on the example of the companies «Apple» and «Huawei». Based on the calculation of the integral indicator, the technical and economic parameters of the competitiveness of the products of these organizations were obtained. It was concluded that large-scale forms of competition acquire the character of a trade war, which increasingly restrains the opponent with the help of the non-price factor of competition. Key words: trade war, competitive advantage, trade balance between China and the USA, global smartphone market, integral indicator of competitiveness


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Ghassan Salamé

This article is the text of an address given by Ghassan Salamé at the ‘Oil and Money’ Conference convened in London, UK, on 21 October 2009. In it, the author deals with what the ambiguous, amorphous, elastic and politically expedient term ‘Middle East’ has connoted historically and what it may or may not denote in political formulations of a given moment. In particular, American, European, Turkish, Iranian, Israeli and Arab views – and the serious implications of these – are examined with superb economy of style. Whether as part of the US-delimited region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) or whether as affiliated to the European Union via a Mediterranean Union based on trade relations, the exclusion or inclusion in the Middle East is not a simple matter where regional players such as Iran and Turkey have historical extraterritorial ambitions which would, yet again, appear to be coming to the fore – even when such may threaten internal balances. The author argues that Israel's position is increasingly problematic due not only to Palestinian demographics, but also to its recent experience against Hezbollah which has mastered asymmetrical warfare at a time when the ability of the United States to defend its primary ally in the region has been cast into doubt. The states of the Arab World have proved ineffectual and certain of them are looking to ‘escape’ from the Middle East into Africa (Libya) or looking to formulate a new regional constellation in which Turkey and Iran will play leading roles (Syria).


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