Politics, Social Welfare Policy, and the Population Problem in Latin America

1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. Malloy ◽  
Silvia Borzutzky

This paper examines the interaction between social welfare policies and the “population problem” in Latin America. It demonstrates that social security programs, by reinforcing highly unequal patterns of stratification, have had a largely negative effect on population issues in the region. Social security policy in turn is analyzed as a particular political adaptation to the realities of dependent capitalist development. As a result, the population problem in Latin America is viewed less as a product of mindless demographic forces than as a politically induced reality stemming from the accumulated impact and negative consequences of a variety of consciously formulated public policies.

2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110049
Author(s):  
Patricio Carpio Benalcázar ◽  
Francisco Javier Ullán de la Rosa

Buen vivir (good living) is an alternative postcapitalist and postdevelopmentalist paradigm born in Latin America whose concepts were incorporated into the 2008 Ecuadorian Constitution. An appraisal of the divergence between the paradigm, its legal projection, and the public policies undertaken by the so-called Citizens’ Revolution governments (2007–2017) under President Rafael Correa concludes that the structural transformations in the economic, political, social, and cultural realms envisaged by the buen vivir paradigm never took place. What Ecuadorian governments implemented during the decade was actually a capitalist neo-developmentalist scheme with some social-welfare policies of a social-democratic nature. El “buen vivir” es un paradigma postcapitalista y postdesarrollodista alternativo nacido en América Latina cuyos conceptos fueron incorporados a la Constitución ecuatoriana del 2008. Un análisis de la divergencia entre el paradigma, su proyección legal y las políticas públicas emprendidas por los llamados gobiernos de la Revolución Ciudadana (2007–2017) bajo el presidente Rafael Correa muestra que las transformaciones estructurales en los ámbitos económico, político, social y cultural previstas por el paradigma del buen vivir nunca se llevaron a cabo. Lo que implementaron los gobiernos ecuatorianos durante la década fue en realidad un esquema neo-desarrollista capitalista con algunas políticas de bienestar social de carácter socialdemócrata.


2015 ◽  
Vol 26 (67) ◽  
pp. 106-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paulo Ricardo da Costa Reis ◽  
Suely de Fátima Ramos Silveira ◽  
Marcelo José Braga ◽  
Thiago de Melo Teixeira da Costa

One of the main arguments for the existence of public social security systems relates to their potential use as income distribution and welfare policy tools. In this vein, several studies have sought to evaluate the effects of social security benefits on poverty and inequality. However, the evidence obtained from Brazilian studies regarding the effects of social security remains inconclusive, and studies evaluating the impact of social security on social welfare indices are scarce. The objective of this paper is to measure the impact of retirement and pensions provided by social security programs on the welfare level of households in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil. The methodological approach is based on propensity score matching, and microdata from the National Household Sample Survey (Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios - PNAD, 2009) are used. The results demonstrate that income from retirement and pensions represents an important portion of beneficiary households' income, especially lower-income beneficiary households. The results suggest that social security has a positive effect on the incomes, access to knowledge and living conditions of the households analyzed. The impact of retirement and pensions on households in low-income groups (Classes D and E) tends to be more significant relative to the impact on middle class households (Class C).


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 244
Author(s):  
Wichuda Satidporn

According to previous studies on social security policy in Thailand, a causal link between elected governments and developments in social security has been observed in the direction that the initiation and implementation of social security policy (and perhaps all other social welfare policies) occurred more frequently and more successfully when this country was ruled by an elected government. However, this observation appears problematic when brought to bear on the most recent cases of social security reforms that have occurred, especially during the period under Yingluck Shinawatra government when the attempt to amend the 1990 Social Security Act proposed by the organized labor and 14,264 public petitioners was rejected by the directly-elected House of Representatives; and the period under Prayuth Chan-ocha government when the Social Security Act Amendments of 2015, which included many requests from organized labor mentioned in the rejected bill, was passed by the appointed National Legislative Assembly. Relying on a strategic-relational approach, this paper claims that the changes and continuities in the social security policy in each particular period did not occurred as simply a result of the different types of political regime but was part of a broader effort to deal with the tensions and conflicts between and within different sections of the bourgeoisie, political parties, state agencies, and working class over policy problems, solutions, and directions that have emerged as a result of Thailand’s capitalist transition during the past decade.


1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-42
Author(s):  
C.P. Harris

Social security programmes may be divided into two broad groups of pro grammes, those concerned with income security and those concerned with op portunity security. Income security programmes may be further divided into positive transfer programmes, where there is a cash flow from the government to the individual, and negative transfer programmes, which are a component of the taxation system. Positive transfer programmes may be universal or limited, the main limitation being benefits subject to a means test. Positive transfer programmes may also be classified as to whether they are income based measures, distinguish- . ing between income replacement and income supplement programmes; or whether they are expenditure based, whereby the beneficiary receives either full or partial campensation for expenditure he has made or is assumed to have made. The philosophy lying behind income security programmes may be related to the principle of either individual need or social right. The former principle tends to be associated with programmes which are limited in nature while universal programmes tend to be based on the principle of social right. In the past most of the income security programmes in Australia have been based on the principle of individual need, but since 1972 there has been a marked shift to programmes based on social right, particularly the policy of abolishing the means test on aged pensions and the introduction of Medibank. Social right policies, in general, tend to be more costly and alleviate less need per dollar of outlay than individual need programmes. Apart from the move towards social right programmes, there has been an increasing lack of coordination between existing and proposed programmes. Although an inter-departmental committee has been established to investigate this problem, it is unlikely that any real change will eventuate from that source in the near future. What is required in Australia today is not further studies of poverty or the prescription of new programmes, but an explicit statement of social welfare philosophy on which programmes are to be based, and the establishment of an organisation whose primary and perhaps sole task is to co-ordinate social security programmes. 1. J. Cutt, New perspectives on welfare reform, Social Security Quarterly, 1973-74 (3), 1. 2. A universal scheme is one applicable to what is known in statistics as the 'population', which is the number of individuals with the specified characteristics. In this sense, the 'population' does not mean all individuals in the nation. 3. See Compensation and Rehabilitation in Australia, Report of the National Committee of Inquiry, Canberra: Australian Gov ernment Printer, 1974. On the other hand the National Superannuation Committee of Inquiry did not come down in favour of either kind of benefits scheme. See National Superannuation in Australia, Interim Report of the National Super annuation Committee of Inquiry, Canberra : Australian Government Printer, 1974, p. 20 and Chapter 9. 4. The distinction between an income supplement programme and an expenditure based programme is somewhat arbitrary in that income supplement programmes are also inherently designed to provide additional funds to the individual to offset assumed higher expenditure because of prescribed circumstances (for example having children under 16 years of age). In this paper the distinction is based on the degree of regularity of the payment. Continuing payments are classified as income supplements, while once-for-all payments are classified as expenditure based. Of course, an individual may receive more than a single such payment during the year, the number depending on the occurrence of the event which generates the expenditure — visits to a doctor, confinements. 5. See C. P. Harris, Economic Aspects of Social Security Programmes : an application to age pensions, Social Service 1969, 21 (2), 2-15. 6. A. M. Haveman, R. H. Haveman and A. V. Kneese, The Economics of Environmental Policy New York : Wiley, 1973, p. 77. 7. The best recent example of this is the Australian government Commission of Inquiry into Poverty. 8. See C. P. Harris, Welfare and the Tax System : personal income tax and social security programmes, Social Security Quarter ly, 1973-74, 1 (3), 16-19. 9. Taxation Review Committee Full Report, Canberra : Australian Government Printer, 1975. Inflation and Taxation. Report of the Committee of Inquiry into Inflation and Taxation, Canberra: Australian Government Printer, 1975. 10. It must be admitted that concern about lack of coordination existed within the labour government. It existed in 1972 because the need for coordination was inherent in the functions given to the Social Welfare Commission when it was later establish ed. The fact that the Commission did nothing about coordinating anything reflects not only its own failing but also to a large extent the lack of willingness of a departmentalized structure of administration and its ministers to be coordinated, a lack illustrated by the subsequent establishment of another coordinating review body. This ludicrous position was heigh tened by the submission of numerous reports to the government on welfare matters, all of which represented individual assessments of the nation's ills and prescriptions for their alleviation. In 1975 it was decided to appoint an interdepart mental committee to report on coordination, and presumably to indicate how this can be achieved. Little can be expected from this because the real solution is the necessity to reform the structure of government by converting its existing depart mental structure into a functional structure, with a significantly smaller number of separate functions than the number of existing departments. Hence it is likely that this IDC will conform to the definition given to that term by outsiders—an Inter-Departmental Confrontation designed to Create Intense Delaying Camouflage as justification for the absence of Intel lectually Demanding Consideration of the need for Integrated Dynamic Change.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (136) ◽  
pp. 339-356
Author(s):  
Tobias Wölfle ◽  
Oliver Schöller

Under the term “Hilfe zur Arbeit” (aid for work) the federal law of social welfare subsumes all kinds of labour disciplining instruments. First, the paper shows the historical connection of welfare and labour disciplining mechanisms in the context of different periods within capitalist development. In a second step, against the background of historical experiences, we will analyse the trends of “Hilfe zur Arbeit” during the past two decades. It will be shown that by the rise of unemployment, the impact of labour disciplining aspects of “Hilfe zur Arbeit” has increased both on the federal and on the municipal level. For this reason the leverage of the liberal paradigm would take place even in the core of social rights.


1993 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott R. Nichols ◽  
Howard J. Wiarda

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