scholarly journals Non-Institutional Forms of Political Participation of Muslim Youth in Modern Scotland

2021 ◽  
pp. 117-127
Author(s):  
A. R. Agababov ◽  
R. A. Lyovochkin

The article examines the main forms and socio-cultural features of the participation of Muslim youth in Scotland in non-institutional politics. As their research goal, the authors chose to identify the mechanisms through which political processes specific to the Scottish context (different from the general British or, for example, the English context) generate various forms of political participation of young adherents of Islam. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was a significant layer of empirical data (mainly Scottish), comprehended through an interpretive paradigm, which allowed the authors to analyze the non-institutionalized political experience of young Muslims, finding patterns in how Muslim youth perceive and construct the social world around them. The result of the study was an understanding that the strengthening of the “Islamic factor” in the social and political life of Scotland is explained not only by the growth of the Muslim population, but also by the obvious support that the Scottish authorities provide to adherents of Islam. According to the authors, the issue of national and state independence, the specificity of Scottish nationalism, the attractiveness of the political platform of the Scottish National Party for ethno-confessional minorities became the most important primary factors that predetermined the active entry of Scottish Muslim youth into politics. The main conclusion in this article was the idea that the specific socio-political and sociocultural contexts of Scotland create appropriate forms of political participation of young Muslims. Despite the prevailing opinion that Scottish Muslim youth are interested mainly in international events, the authors show a clearly traceable institutional and non-institutional involvement of young Muslims in national and local political issues in Scotland. According to the authors, the non-institutional political participation of young Scottish followers of Islam is manifested in such forms as social movements, activism and charity, and volunteer work.

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


2018 ◽  
pp. 406-426
Author(s):  
Roberta Ryan ◽  
Ronald Woods

Political participation by women is central to development and the empowerment of all citizens. This chapter argues for the recognition of opportunities for women in leadership, political participation, and the strengthening of democracy at the level of subnational governments. A key reason for focusing on gender equity in political life is that women constitute slightly more than half of the world's population, and they contribute to the social and economic development of all societies to a greater degree than men because of their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres. At the same time, their participation in formal political structures and processes, where they can contribute to decisions on the use of societal resources generated by both men and women, remains far below parity. Drawing examples from a range of national parliaments and countries, this chapter demonstrates lessons for increasing political participation by women in subnational governance.


Author(s):  
Roberta Ryan ◽  
Ronald Woods

Political participation by women is central to development and the empowerment of all citizens. This chapter argues for the recognition of opportunities for women in leadership, political participation, and the strengthening of democracy at the level of subnational governments. A key reason for focusing on gender equity in political life is that women constitute slightly more than half of the world's population, and they contribute to the social and economic development of all societies to a greater degree than men because of their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres. At the same time, their participation in formal political structures and processes, where they can contribute to decisions on the use of societal resources generated by both men and women, remains far below parity. Drawing examples from a range of national parliaments and countries, this chapter demonstrates lessons for increasing political participation by women in subnational governance.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1237-1257
Author(s):  
Roberta Ryan ◽  
Ronald Woods

Political participation by women is central to development and the empowerment of all citizens. This chapter argues for the recognition of opportunities for women in leadership, political participation, and the strengthening of democracy at the level of subnational governments. A key reason for focusing on gender equity in political life is that women constitute slightly more than half of the world's population, and they contribute to the social and economic development of all societies to a greater degree than men because of their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres. At the same time, their participation in formal political structures and processes, where they can contribute to decisions on the use of societal resources generated by both men and women, remains far below parity. Drawing examples from a range of national parliaments and countries, this chapter demonstrates lessons for increasing political participation by women in subnational governance.


2015 ◽  
pp. 23-41
Author(s):  
Hanna Dębska

The aim of this paper is to show how the social legitimacy of the Constitutional Court in Poland is constructed. Social legitimacy is considered here in two dimensions. At the macrostructural level the socio-political processes, that led to the creation of the constitutional court are analysed. The microstructural dimension focuses on examining how the individual socio-demographic characteristics of the Constitutional Court’ judges (their scientific degrees, legal practice, political experience and institutions of power), contribute to the strengthening of the Constitutional Court’s position. Thus, the paper argues that the legitimacy of the Court is made by constructing the neutrality of the institution, in particular by locating it in opposition to politics and reinforced by the academic faction of the legal field. The study is based on the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu (and his follower Frédéric Lebaron), as well as inspired by Durkheimian sociology of religion.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
. Wahyutama

<p>Some studies theorized social media as fostering youth political participation by facilitating the development of online participatory cultures (Jenkins, 2009). Online participatory cultures provide young citizens with opportunities to discuss and gain information about political topics, create capacity for action by promoting digital skills and norms for group interaction, and facilitate recruitment into civic and political life (Kahne et al., 2013). Against the backdrop of this discourse, this research aims to investigate social media and youth political participation in Indonesia’s context.  This project’s research questions ask: How politics is experienced by Indonesian youth and how social media is used by them to engage with political activities? To answer those questions, this research conducted a survey (n=265) and interviews (n=29) with students from three universities in Jakarta. This research adopted grounded theory approach in analysing the data.  This research revealed that social media in general provides affordances for youth to engage with activities related to political conversation and social-political campaign (as indicated by the findings that social media attracts more numbers of youth participating in these two categories of activity). Thus, this research in part support propositions advocated by the thesis of online participatory cultures that social media facilitates youth political participation.  However, under the specific context of ethnic and religious-based political polarization which happened during this research, this research also revealed that the salient form of social media use by youth is in fact monitoring political conversation. This activity is driven by the sense of “kepo” (the drive to asses how others are thinking, feeling, and responding to certain political issues) and has the effect on youth’s fear of social isolation (in the form of fear of breaking relationship with others). Eventually, this activity leads youth to the act of silence (in the form of refraining political expression on social media). In this case, this research (unintentionally) confirm the theory of spiral of silence proposed by Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann (1984).  Finally, this research contributes to the academic discourse by providing a critical insight into the way social media could lead its users to the process of spiral of silence i.e. by exacerbating the fear of social isolation obtained from the activity of social surveillance (in the form of monitoring political conversation).</p>


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
. Wahyutama

<p>Some studies theorized social media as fostering youth political participation by facilitating the development of online participatory cultures (Jenkins, 2009). Online participatory cultures provide young citizens with opportunities to discuss and gain information about political topics, create capacity for action by promoting digital skills and norms for group interaction, and facilitate recruitment into civic and political life (Kahne et al., 2013). Against the backdrop of this discourse, this research aims to investigate social media and youth political participation in Indonesia’s context.  This project’s research questions ask: How politics is experienced by Indonesian youth and how social media is used by them to engage with political activities? To answer those questions, this research conducted a survey (n=265) and interviews (n=29) with students from three universities in Jakarta. This research adopted grounded theory approach in analysing the data.  This research revealed that social media in general provides affordances for youth to engage with activities related to political conversation and social-political campaign (as indicated by the findings that social media attracts more numbers of youth participating in these two categories of activity). Thus, this research in part support propositions advocated by the thesis of online participatory cultures that social media facilitates youth political participation.  However, under the specific context of ethnic and religious-based political polarization which happened during this research, this research also revealed that the salient form of social media use by youth is in fact monitoring political conversation. This activity is driven by the sense of “kepo” (the drive to asses how others are thinking, feeling, and responding to certain political issues) and has the effect on youth’s fear of social isolation (in the form of fear of breaking relationship with others). Eventually, this activity leads youth to the act of silence (in the form of refraining political expression on social media). In this case, this research (unintentionally) confirm the theory of spiral of silence proposed by Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann (1984).  Finally, this research contributes to the academic discourse by providing a critical insight into the way social media could lead its users to the process of spiral of silence i.e. by exacerbating the fear of social isolation obtained from the activity of social surveillance (in the form of monitoring political conversation).</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-48
Author(s):  
Elena Mikhaylovna Savicheva ◽  
Nigina Sukhbatovna Akhmedova ◽  
Somar Hafez Ghanem

The article analyzes the role of ethno-confessional factor in the social and political life of two Eastern Mediterranean Arab countries - Lebanon and Syria. It is emphasized that ethnic and confessional diversity in combination with cultural and civilizational specifics predetermines the peculiarities of political processes in the countries and their foreign policy orientations. The authors note the tendency of wide involvement of various ethnic and confessional groups in political processes. The authors come to the conclusion about significance of ethnic and confessional factors in the development of traditional societies in the Middle Eastern countries, including Syria and Lebanon. The ethno-confessional factor can both consolidate and mobilize society, as well as increase the potential for conflict and complicate the settlement process in multi-ethnic and multi-confessional countries of the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (520) ◽  
pp. 16-21
Author(s):  
M. D. Kramchaninova ◽  
◽  
V. V. Vakhlakova ◽  

This research underlines the growing importance of critical studying the role of globalization in the context of the problem of ensuring human security. In the global open economy, direct changes in the nature of economic activity and social interaction significantly increase the weight and importance of the factors that affect social, political and economic stability. By carrying out an analysis of the data reflecting the results of the social, economic and political consequences of COVID-19, the authors try to provide useful insights into the patterns inherent in the economic, social and political processes. Studying the dynamics of pandemic development allows to examine in more detail the connection between the economy, social security and political stability, paying attention to the nature of social, economic and political processes and the scale of their interdependence. According to the results of the research, the main threats arising from the pandemic in the field of economic, social and political components of national security have been established. It is displayed that the social, economic and political security spheres within the State are interrelated. Due to the relationship between them, the lack of stabilization in one of these areas can generate potential danger and changes of negative nature in other areas. Most of the risks and threats identified by the authors flow out of each other, which makes them also interrelated. In the view of the authors, public expectations as to political and economic interactions in the field of ensuring national and global security require the government to make significant changes and transform its view on important aspects of the organization of social, economic and political life of society, in accordance with global challenges.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (01) ◽  
pp. 1065-1073
Author(s):  
Mithun Chandra Sarkar ◽  

The paper attempts to analyze the praxis of women empowerment and womens political participation of some Gram Panchayats in Uttar Dinajpur rural areas. In present times, the empowerment of women has become one of the most important concerns of the 21st century because of their right to participate in political processes which also impact their family and in turn the society. Many countries are attempting to increase womens political participation and leadership in civil society and now political parties want more women to join in political activities. Women around the world are still largely absent from national and local decision-making procedures. Globally about 20% of women participate in political activities, for women it is very difficult to participate in the civic and political life of their countries due to lack of support and gender discrimination. Strengthening womens rights and addressing obstacles to political participation are critical to achieving gender justice, equality, and women empowerment.


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