scholarly journals ALANS IN SERVICE OF THE YUAN. DYNASTY THE ORIENTAL CHRONICLES.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
А.Л. Чибиров
Keyword(s):  
Southern China ◽  
Northern China ◽  
Yuan Dynasty ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Historical Science ◽  
The West ◽  
Common Enemy ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
The Yuan Dynasty

Трагические последствия нашествия татаромонгол на Аланию наряду с уничтожением государственности имели следствием последующие волны миграции уцелевшего населения, что способствовало возникновению крупных аланских поселений на западе и востоке Евразии. Мигрировавшие на территорию современной Венгрии аланы достаточно известны исторической науке, чего нельзя сказать о той их части, которая в свое время по тем или иным причинам ушла в Китай и Монголию. В начале ХIII в. перед захватившими Северный Китай монголами стояли две первоочередные задачи: завоевание Южного Китая и организация управления над огромной территорией. Для этих целей они использовали представителей покоренных народов и в их числе алан как военную силу. Будучи в состоянии феодальной раздробленности, аланские князья не консолидировались в борьбе с общим врагом, наоборот часть из них по разным причинам перешла на сторону противника, другие же подчинились монголам после захвата Алании. В статье приводится множество примеров перехода на сторону врага аланских князей с подвластным населением и участие их в войнах монгольских ханов ради защиты интересов Юаньской империи. Процесс движения аланских всадников на восток проходит в три этапа: после поражения алан в 1222 г, до завоевания Алании Батыем и после окончательного покорения Алании в 1239 г. Судя по китайским и другим источникам, 30тысячная аланская конница принимала активное участие во всех военных операциях монголов на востоке, проявив себя как отличные воины. Часть алан (или асуды) была направлена во Внутреннюю Монголию, где они со временем, живя разбросанно среди монгольских племен, ассимилировались, потеряв язык, культуру, религию. После падения монгольской династии Юань (1368), дружина аланасов покинула Китай вместе с последним монгольским императором Тогонтимуром. Tragic consequences of the TatarMongolian invasion into Alania, along with the destruction of the statehood resulted in the subsequent waves of migration of the survived population, which contributed to the establishment and growth of large Alanian settlements both in the west and in the east of Eurasia. The Alans,who migrated to the territory of Hungary, are quite wellknown in the historical science, which is not the case with the part of the Alanswho moved to China and Mongolia for whatever reasons. In the early ХIIIth century the Mongolians taking over the Northern China faced the following challenges: conquering Southern China and arranging administration for this huge territory. For these purposes they used representatives of the conquered peoples, among themAlans, as military force. Being in the state of feudal disunity, the Alanian princes were not able to unite in the fight against a common enemy in fact, part of them, for various reasons, defected to the enemy, others subjected to their authorityafter the occupation of Alania by Mongolians. The article gives a large number of examples of Alanian princes defection to the enemy with theirdependents and their participation in wars on the side of Mongolian khans to protect the interests of the Yuan Dynasty. The Alanian cavalrymens movement to the east was carried out in three stages: after the defeat of the Alans in 1222, before Batu Khans conquest and after the final conquest of Alania in 1239. According to the Chinese and other sources, Alanian cavalry, totaling to approximately 30000 warriors, was actively involved in all military operations of the Mongols in the east, where they proved to be great warriors. Part of the Alans (or Asuds) had been sent to the Inner Mongolia, where dispersed among Mongolian tribes, they were being assimilated losing their language, culture and religion. After the fall of the Mongolian Yuan Dynasty (1368), the Alanian retinue left China with the last Mongolian emperor Toghontemr.

A Western Organ in Medieval China I. The Chinese Texts

1926 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-211
Author(s):  
A. C. Moule
Keyword(s):  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Yuan Dynasty ◽  
The West ◽  
Medieval China ◽  
Chinese Texts ◽  
The Yuan Dynasty

It is well known that the Chinese have had a little organ calledshêngoryüfor many ages, made with bamboo pipes which are fitted with free reeds, and played by suction. The wordsshêngandhuang, the reed, occur in theOdeswhich date from before 500b.c., and are traditionally explained as referring to an instrument like that which is still in use. But attention has not, I think, been called to the fact that a reed organ from the West was brought to China in the thirteenth century, and created so much interest at the time that it was reconstructed to play the Chinese scale. Ten or twelve of these instruments seem to have been made and to have been used in the Imperial orchestra during the Yüan dynasty (1280–1368), but I cannot find that they were used after that period. Three descriptions of theHsing lung shêng, as the organ was named, have been found in books of the fourteenth century, and translations of these are here given, with explanatory notes very kindly contributed by the Reverend Canon F. W. Galpin.

Yuan Dynasty

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Family Life ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Northern China ◽  
Yuan Dynasty ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
The Yuan Dynasty

The Yuan dynasty sits awkwardly in Eurasian history. The dynastic name, Yuan, is Chinese, as is the practice of naming dynastic houses not by the leading family’s surname but by the place where the regime began or, as was the case with the Yuan, a term that carried auspicious meaning. In the case of East Asia, dynasty also calls to mind a package of political institutions and conventions (including a dominant role for the emperor; a highly articulated bureaucracy; written law codes regulating political, commercial, and family life; a court with extensive and minutely described rituals; a capital with a grand palace) and a well-developed political philosophy that explained the place of the Son of Heaven in the cosmos, and the interaction among the realms of man, nature, social life, and much more. Thus, one approach to the Yuan period has been to view it in the longer span of Chinese history. Yet, the rulers of the Yuan dynasty were Mongol conquerors whose family, the Chinggisids (descendants of Chinggis khan), subjugated much of Eurasia. Although Mongols had conquered much of northern China in the mid-13th century, the Yuan dynasty was not established until 1271. It is generally used to describe China under Mongol rule, but equating the Yuan dynasty with China is both factually inaccurate and highly misleading because Mongolian (or, more broadly, steppe) traditions of rulership and governance differed importantly from those of earlier and later Chinese dynasties. Much recent Japanese scholarship thus uses the term “Great Yuan ulus” (Mongolian for nation) rather than dynasty to highlight such differences.

A “Black Cult” in Early Medieval China: Iranian-Zoroastrian Influence in the Northern Dynasties

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-224
Author(s):  
SANPING CHEN ◽  
VICTOR H MAIR
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Exchange ◽  
Northern China ◽  
Yuan Dynasty ◽  
Medieval Period ◽  
Early Medieval ◽  
Common People ◽  
Early Medieval Period ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Medieval China ◽  
The Yuan Dynasty

AbstractThrough an analysis of Chinese theophoric names - a genre that emerged in the early medieval period largely under heavy Iranian-Sogdian influence - we suggest that there was a contemporary ‘black worship’ or ‘black cult’ in northern China that has since vanished. The followers of this ‘black cult’ ranged from common people living in ethnically mixed frontier communities to the ruling echelons of the Northern Dynasties. By tapping into the fragmentary pre-Islamic Iranian-Sogdian data, we link this ‘black cult’ to the now nearly forgotten ancient Iranic worship of the Avestan family of heroes centered around Sāma. This religio-cultural exchange prompts an examination of the deliberate policy by the ethnic rulers of the Northern Dynasties to attract Central Asian immigrants for political reasons, a precursor to the Semu, the Mongols’ ‘assistant conquerors’ in the Yuan dynasty.

Copper-engraving in China: The First Chinese-European Co-Operative Project in the Field of Art

1997 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Hartmut Walravens
Keyword(s):  
Yuan Dynasty ◽  
New Technique ◽  
The West ◽  
Military Campaigns ◽  
Eastern Turkestan ◽  
The Yuan Dynasty ◽  
Qianlong Emperor

While copper-printing can be traced back to the Yuan Dynasty in China, the art of copper-engraving was introduced by the Italian missionary, Matteo Ripa, in 1711. The first work to be printed with this new technique was Illustrations of 36 Vista ofthejehol Palace (1712). The Qianlong emperor wanted pictures of his military campaigns in Eastern Turkestan engraved on copper, and so he arranged for a series of sixteen engravings to be executed in Europe. Following the success of this initiative, pictures of his subsequent military exploits were engraved on copper by Chinese artists. Thus, while the West learned a great deal from China about paper and printing, copper-engraving is a technique which China acquired from the West in spite of a supposed lack of interest in the West.

Materials of the Chinese official chronicles of the imperial dynasties Song and Yuan on the time of the massacre of the Alan warriors during the Mongol conquest of Southern China

2020 ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Eduard V. Kaziev
Keyword(s):  
Song Dynasty ◽  
Southern China ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Yuan Dynasty ◽  
Inductive Method ◽  
Southern Chinese ◽  
Historical Episode ◽  
History Of ◽  
Chinese Official ◽  
The Yuan Dynasty

Based on the information presented in the official chronicles of the Chinese imperial dynasties Song and Yuan, the author discusses the issue of the time of the massacre of the Alan warriors in Mongol service, that occurred during their occupation of the southern Chinese city of Zhenchao. The study of this issue seems relevant, since the information of the mentioned Chinese official chronicles, in the same way conveying the general plot of this event, diverges in the designation of its time, attributing it to different reign years of the first emperor of the Yuan dynasty Kublai (Shi-zu) and to one of the years of the sixteenth emperor of the Song Dynasty Zhao Xian (Gong of Song). The materials for the study were the original texts of the official “History of Song [Dynasty]” and the “History of Yuan [Dynasty]” as well as some other Chinese written sources. The study introduces new information from sources about this event, which have not previously been translated into Russian. A brief historiographic review of this issue is given. The purpose of the study is to definite the time of the massacre of Alan warriors in Southern China. In the course of the study the inductive method, the method of comparative historical analysis, systemic chronological and retrospective analytical methods were applied. It was found that the information about the time of the event in question contained in various sections of the “History of the Yuan [Dynasty]” is erroneous, while the similar information about the time of the event in question contained in the “History of Song [Dynasty]” is correct, as it was indicated by P. Pelliot. The translation of the latter information into the modern chronology system allows to determine the time of this historical episode on April 28, 1275.

Spatial variation of East Asian winter monsoon evolution between northern and southern China since the last glacial maximum

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Qin Li ◽  
Haibin Wu ◽  
Jun Cheng ◽  
Shuya Zhu ◽  
Chunxia Zhang ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
East Asian Winter Monsoon ◽  
Southern China ◽  
Ice Sheets ◽  
Northern China ◽  
Winter Monsoon ◽  
Asian Winter Monsoon ◽  
Spatial Differences ◽  
The Last Glacial Maximum ◽  
The Last Glacial

Abstract The East Asian winter monsoon (EAWM) is one of the most dynamic components of the global climate system. Although poorly understood, knowledge of long-term spatial differences in EAWM variability during the glacial–interglacial cycles is important for understanding the dynamic processes of the EAWM. We reconstructed the spatiotemporal characteristics of the EAWM since the last glacial maximum (LGM) using a comparison of proxy records and long-term transient simulations. A loess grain-size record from northern China (a sensitive EAWM proxy) and the sea surface temperature gradient of an EAWM index in sediments of the southern South China Sea were compared. The data–model comparison indicates pronounced spatial differences in EAWM evolution, with a weakened EAWM since the LGM in northern China but a strengthened EAWM from the LGM to the early Holocene, followed by a weakening trend, in southern China. The model results suggest that variations in the EAWM in northern China were driven mainly by changes in atmospheric carbon dioxide (CO2) concentration and Northern Hemisphere ice sheets, whereas orbital insolation and ice sheets were important drivers in southern China. We propose that the relative importance of insolation, ice sheets, and atmospheric CO2 for EAWM evolution varied spatially within East Asia.

scholarly journals Development of revised diagnostic criteria for Fuchs’ uveitis syndrome in a Chinese population

2021 ◽  
pp. bjophthalmol-2021-319343
Author(s):  
Peizeng Yang ◽  
Wanyun Zhang ◽  
Zhijun Chen ◽  
Han Zhang ◽  
Guannan Su ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Diagnostic Criteria ◽  
Clinical Symptoms ◽  
Southern China ◽  
High Sensitivity ◽  
Northern China ◽  
Chinese Patients ◽  
Tertiary Referral Centre ◽  
Tree Algorithms ◽  
Vitreous Opacities ◽  
Fuchs Uveitis Syndrome

Background/aimsFuchs’ uveitis syndrome (FUS) is one of the frequently misdiagnosed uveitis entities, which is partly due to the absence of internationally recognised diagnostic criteria. This study was performed to develop and evaluate a set of revised diagnostic criteria for FUS.MethodsThe clinical data of Chinese patients with FUS and patients with non-FUS were collected and analysed from a tertiary referral centre between April 2008 and December 2020. A total of 593 patients with FUS and 625 patients with non-FUS from northern China were enrolled for the development of diagnostic criteria for FUS. Three hundred and seventy-seven patients with FUS and 503 patients with non-FUS from southern China were used to validate the criteria. Clinical symptoms and ocular signs were collected from all patients with FUS and patients with non-FUS. Multivariate two-step cluster analysis, logistic regression and decision tree algorithms in combination with the clinical judgement of uveitis experts were used to revise diagnostic criteria for FUS.ResultsThree essential findings including diffuse iris depigmentation, absence of posterior synechiae, mild inflammation in the anterior chamber at presentation and five associated findings including mostly unilateral involvement, cataract, vitreous opacities, absence of acute symptoms and characteristic iris nodules were used in the development of FUS diagnostic criteria. All essential findings were required for the diagnosis of FUS, and the diagnosis was further strengthened by the presence of associated findings.ConclusionRevised diagnostic criteria for FUS were developed and validated by analysing data from Chinese patients and showed a high sensitivity (96.55%) and specificity (97.42%).

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