Introduction: Structure, Arguments, and Conceptual Framework

Author(s):  
Sara Roy

This chapter examines the Islamic Resistance Movement or Hamas, which was established at the beginning of the first Palestinian uprising in December 1987. This analysis of Hamas focuses on its social dimensions and on the relationship between its social and political sectors, primarily in the Gaza Strip, where the Islamist movement in Palestine is most concentrated. The chapter also explores the ways in which Islamic political institutions interact with and/or influence social institutions and vice versa, the nature of Islamic social and political mobilization in Palestine and the links between them, the changing nature of Islamically legitimized action in the public and political spheres, and the slowly emerging secularization of religious discourse as a way of adapting to existing social and political realities.

Author(s):  
Michael Irving Jensen

Michael Irving Jensen: Islamists and Club Milieu in the Gaza Strip The article deals with Islamic social institutions in the Gaza Strip. The author considers these institutions as being part of Palestinian civil society. However, the bulk of the article is focused on one aspect of the work that the Islamic social institutions carry out; namely sport activities. The article is based on qualitative interviews, carried out by the author, with young men playing football in an Islamic club (ciosely related to the Hamas movement). Among the questions raised are: Why do young men choose to play football in an Islamic club? What are their perceptions of the political situation in the Gaza Strip? How do they view the relationship between Islam and politics in general? The interviews reveal - not unsurprisingly - that the young Islamists playing football do not equal the stereotype of an Islamist, i.e. a young fanatic with long beard and a wild look in the face. On the contrary, they are young men willing and able to cope with the modem world. From the interviews it is evident that high moral standards, more than anything else, attract these young men. Although further empirical work needs to be done, one could conclude tentatively that a good Islamist can play club football three times a week.


Author(s):  
Maria Grazia Imperiale ◽  
Alison Phipps ◽  
Giovanna Fassetta

AbstractThis article contributes to conversations on hospitality in educational settings, with a focus on higher education and the online context. We integrate Derrida’s ethics of hospitality framework with a focus on practices of hospitality, including its affective and material, embodied dimension (Zembylas: Stud Philos Educ 39:37–50, 2019). This article offers empirical examples of practices of what we termed ‘virtual academic hospitality’: during a series of online collaborative and cross borders workshops with teachers of English based in the Gaza Strip (Palestine), we performed academic hospitality through virtual convivial rituals and the sharing of virtual gifts, which are illustrated here. We propose a revision of the concept of academic hospitality arguing that: firstly, academic hospitality is not limited to intellectual conversations; secondly, that the relationship between hospitality and mobility needs to be revised, since hospitality mediated by the technological medium can be performed, and technology may even stretch hospitality towards the unreachable ‘unconditional hospitality’ theorised by Derrida (Of hospitality: Anne Dufourmantelle invited Jacques Derrida to respond. Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2000); and thirdly, that indigenous epistemics, with their focus on the affective, may offer alternative understandings of conviviality within the academy. These points may contribute to the collective development of a new paradigmatic understanding of hospitality, one which integrates Western and indigenous traditions of hospitality, and which includes the online environment.


Author(s):  
Akram Atalla ◽  
Ayman Dardona

There are numerous known medicinal plants in the Gaza strip flora, some of them are used in the traditional medicine but despite extensive studies of plants either wild or cultivated in Palestine, only a few articles are reported with the phytochemistry of these plants especially the poisonous flora. The current article presents the most common and important poisoning plants in the Gaza strip flora which are therefore important for the public to know and for research and awareness. This review is considered the first study that working in some details with the poisonous plants in the Gaza strip flora in terms of botany, phytochemistry and herbal medicine. These plants are distributed in several habitats in the Gaza strip, including Wadi Gaza, coastal areas, dunes, roadsides, national parks and the botanical garden in the University of Palestine.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Abdelaziz M. Thabet ◽  
Sanaa S. Thabet

<p><em>Aim:</em><em> This study investigated the relationship between trauma due to winter storm Alexa, PTSD and other mental health problems of Palestinian in Gaza Strip.</em><em> </em><em>Method:</em><em> The sample consisted of 105 males (50%) and 105 females (50%) selected from three of the most affected areas by flooding in 2014 due to Alexa storm in Gaza Strip. Participants age range was 20-65 years, with a mean age 40.88 (SD = 9.8)</em><em>,</em><em> with a mean age of years. Mental health status was assessed by a sociodemographic scale, the Trauma Due to Flood Scale, PTSD scale, and General Health Questionnaire (28 items). Results: Mean traumatic events experienced were 7.8. There were no statistically significant differences between males and females in reporting traumatic events. Mean post-traumatic stress disorder was 18.65, re-experiences symptoms was 6.4, avoidance symptoms was 5.7 and mean arousal symptoms was 5.73. </em></p><p><em>The study showed that 34.8% reported full criteria of PTSD. There were no statistically significant differences in PTSD total scores and subscales and sex of participants. Mean GHQ-28 was 12.12, somatization mean was 3.21, anxiety was 3.31, social dysfunction was 3.34, and depression was 2.27, 91% of the participants were rated as psychiatric morbidity cases and need further investigation. Males significantly scored more in social dysfunction than females. Traumatic events were significantly correlated with PTSD and general mental health and all subscales.</em><em> </em><em>Conclusion and implications</em><em>: </em><em>This study has important implications for need of establishing and implementing psychosocial intervention programs for in the Gaza Strip not only for those victims of political violence but also for people exposed to other types of traumatic events such as natural disasters. </em></p>


Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


2009 ◽  
pp. 309-318
Author(s):  
Gabriella Venturini

- The Israeli armed action in the Gaza Strip between December 27, 2008 and January 18, 2009 has prompted vehement protests of the public, especially in the Arab Countries and in Europe. The reaction of international institutions has varied. While the UN Human Rights Council strongly censured Israel, placing light blame on the rocket attacks made from Gaza against Israeli towns, the UN Security Council was much more measured in itsresponde. Generally speaking, ius in bello (or International Humanitarian Law, IHL) was not extensively addressed by the international institutions, which instead focused their debates on the legitimacy of the use of force. For different reasons, neither Israel nor Hamas is bound by the most relevant IHL Conventions on the conduct of hostilities during armed conflict. The broad rules of customary international law prove barely adequate to restrain the use of means and methods of combat in asymmetrical conflicts. Although the victims may have recourse to domestic (Israeli) jurisdiction to redress their losses, the military action in Gaza will have long lasting negative consequences in the troubled area of Palestine.


1997 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-649 ◽  

[Transfer of Israeli authority to the Council (see Annexes I and III); Palestinian elections (see Annex II); structure of the Palestinian Council; size of the Council; the Executive Authority of the Council; other Committees of the Council; all meetings are open to the public except meetings of the Executive Authority and meetings that the Council rules are subject to security or confidentiality concerns; judicial review; powers and responsibilities of the Council]


2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal

Arguing that the polarization of the Palestinian political field did not start with Hamas's takeover of the Gaza Strip in 2007, the author analyzes the factors that have eroded the cohesiveness and vitality of the Palestinian polity, namely, the paralysis of Palestinian political institutions, territorial and social fragmentation, and egregious outside interference. In this context, and in the absence of an internal Palestinian debate about the objectives of holding elections under occupation, the author shows that the timing and circumstances of the 2006 legislative elections were bound to precipitate the current state of disarray. Finally, he considers the way forward, highlighting the potential of public pressure in promoting national reconciliation.


Author(s):  
Sara Roy

This chapter explores the evolution and role of Islamist social institutions in Gaza, beginning with the reformist work and philosophy of the Muslim Brotherhood and continuing through the first Intifada and the Oslo period. Emphasis is given to the primary role of the social sector (e.g., the Islamist institutions' contribution to community development, order, stability, and civic engagement); the political role and meaning of Islamist social work; and the impact of institutional work on grassroots development, community cohesion, and civism. There is no doubt that the Muslim Brotherhood has long used social institutions to spread its ideas and increase its influence. The Muslim Brotherhood's success was tied in large part to the fact that, until the first Intifada in 1987, the Brethren largely refrained from violent resistance against the occupation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document