scholarly journals China-pakistan Relations and Regional Development in the Context of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asmat Naz

Pakistan and China as all weather strategic partners have a history of glorious friendly relations. Both countries always try to make strong these relations through different geo-political, strategic and economic projects/agreements. The Pak-China Economic Corridor (CPEC) is also a key to make strong economic relations of both countries. It is considered to be an extension of China’s proposed 21st century Silk Road initiative and considered a centre for their relations. It is a huge project under construction that will undertake the construction of highway and railway links running through the areas from Gwadar in Baluchistan and culminating in Kashgar in western China, while passing through the regions of Baluchistan, Sindh, Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and Gilgit-Baltistan (Khunjrab Pass) and run through most vital geostrategic locations. It will connect Pakistan with China and the Central Asian countries by the highway connecting Kashgar to Khunjrab and Gwadar. The CPEC is of high significance, as it making this region more economically viable, stable and sustainable. It is also one of many mega projects planned by China in Central, South and South East Asia for expanding its political and economic influence to counter the US influence in the region. China has made an attempt to fulfill multiple interests of its own by the financial investments in region on CPEC. It shall act as a trade bridge between China, Middle East and Europe through Pakistan and proved a source of economic benefits. The paper through the empirical and inductive research approach tries to identify the China-Pakistan relations and the regional development by the construction of CPEC. In this paper makes consideration of the main traits of the CPEC on both regions. It also emphasizes on the impacts on the economic situation of Pakistan at regional and global levels as well.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (15) ◽  
pp. 6291
Author(s):  
Aislu Taisarinova ◽  
Giuseppe Loprencipe ◽  
Madina Junussova

Central Asian countries attract investment in transport infrastructure to rebuild the Silk Road paths and enjoy economic benefits from the participation in international trade. The Kazakhstani government approached the Russian and Chinese governments intending to join the Western Europe–Western China (WE–WC) initiative to boost the country’s regional development. The paper aims to assess how the WE–WC transport corridor affected the economic potential of linking cities and regions starting from the quality of transport infrastructure and leading to their export potential. The study’s findings showed that the Kazakhstan section of the WE–WC corridor was at an early stage of transformation from a transport into an economic corridor. While the Russia-Uzbekistan section continues to serve mainly a transit function and operate at the level of transport infrastructure, the China-Kyrgyzstan section has started evolving from the level of multimode transport corridor to the level of logistics corridor. The economic sustainability of the WE–WC linking mining and agricultural regions of Kazakhstan still comes into question and depends on the government’s further region-specific policy actions.


Author(s):  
Mengkewuliji Mengkewuliji

This paper explores the development of trade and economic relations between China and Kazakhstan, and China and Uzbekistan since the introduction of the "One Belt – One Road" initiative in 2013 until the economic slowdown in 2020. The author also compares the different ways in which China–Kazakhstan and China–Uzbekistan trade and economic relations were developed. The research reveals a significant role of the "One Belt – One Road" initiative in the rapid growth of bilateral cooperation between China and Kazakhstan, and China and Uzbekistan in the spheres of trade, infrastructure development, finance and energy. Kazakhstan and China put the emphasis on infrastructure development and trade, including the manufactured products. Uzbekistan and China focused on trade in energy resources. China's investment in both Central Asian countries grew equally, however Kazakhstan received more Chinese loans than Uzbekistan. China provided loans to both countries only on condition of their cooperation with Chinese companies operating in Central Asia. New transit routes were built within the framework of the "One Belt – One Road" initiative. China, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan implemented joint highways projects such as the Kabul and Trans-Caspian corridors. While China and Kazakhstan developed continental infrastructure projects such as "Western China-Western Europe", China and Uzbekistan focused more on local programs such as the construction of the Kamchik tunnel. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan pursued different energy policies toward China. Kazakhstan was developing equal cooperation with China and Russia in energy sphere. Uzbekistan tried to pursue a policy of energy independence, and when it failed, it began to work more closely with China. Other significant differences between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan included their positions regarding the financial structures of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. During discussion of the SCO Development Bank project, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan supported Chinese and Russian projects respectively.


Author(s):  
Tanieva Guldona Mamanovna ◽  

In the Middle Ages, Central Asian pilgrims traveled to Mecca in three directions: the North direction ‒ through the Russian Empire, the central direction‒ through the territory of Persia, and the south direction ‒ along roads through India and the Arabian Sea. Therefore, the question of the directions of the Hajj was reflected in the diplomatic correspondence of the Central Asian khanates with Persia, India, the Russian and Ottoman empires тоо. Depending on the political, economic and ideological interests of these states, sometimes pilgrims were given permits to be sent to Mecca through their territories, and sometimes not. The degree of intensity of pilgrimage movements, in most cases, depended on the activities of interstate ambassadors. On the issue of eliminating various prohibitions and obstacles in the movements of pilgrimage roads, the Central Asian ambassadors were active and historical documents reveal these data to us. In this period the Central Asian ambassadors, who were sent to the reception of the governors those neighbor states on other issues, in most cases negotiated precisely on the direction of the Hajj of the Central Asian pilgrims also. One of such far-sighted ambassadors was a rich merchant from Bukhara, who lived in the XVIII c. Ernazar Maksud ogli officially sent several times by the Central Asian rulers to the Russian Empire. In this article analyzes the question of how the problems of the Hajj road were solved at the international diplomatic level by the example of the activities this ambassador. The history of negotiations between Ernazar and the Russian emperors on matters of the northern direction of the Hajj road and their results illuminated on base documents on this issue, which stored in the fund of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AFPRE). The scientific conclusions of this article serve for an extensive study of the issues of diplomatic and economic relations between the Central Asian khanates and the Russian Empire in the XVIII century, revealing the history of the embassy relations of the khanates and the history of the pilgrimage of the Hajj of the Central Asian people and the features of the directions of roads from Central Asia to Mecca.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-35
Author(s):  
HASAN H. KARRAR

Abstract Located along Pakistan's central Asian margins, the high mountain region of Gilgit-Baltistan borders Afghanistan and India, and since 1969 has connected Pakistan to China. In this article, I argue that over the last 50 years, expanding forms of connectivity between Pakistan and China were localized in Gilgit-Baltistan through three processes: (1) from 1969, overland connectivity between Gilgit-Baltistan and western China has enabled Pakistan to imagine and project expansive ties—and geopolitical aspirations—that transcend the border areas where the cross-border trade was initially localized; (2) unfolding ties between the two countries were accompanied by new material exchanges: initially barter trade and regulated caravans, followed by private commerce in the mid-1980s and, finally, economic corridor development under the Belt and Road Initiative; and (3) Chinese investments in Pakistan were part of a new cycle of global accumulation. Concurrently, in the wake of transnational investments, local governance in Gilgit-Baltistan adopted neoliberal administrative measures: the prioritizing of investment capitalism, the privatization of public goods and services, and securitization.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asmat Naz ◽  
Fatima Ali

Gwadar port, deep-sea port, is used and operated as a mean to serve the supply and import requirements of a well prominent hinterland, as other harbors of Pakistan has been working. Gwadar port is situated in the Arabian Sea, at Gwadar in Baluchistan province of Pakistan. The economic prediction of Gwadar port is the trump card for economy and trade routes for Central Asian States and the world, which holding trade from the western part of China and assume as reasonable interchange transshipment to another desire ports of the region. The port features prominently in the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) plan, and is considered to be a crucial link between the ambitious One Belt, One Road and Maritime Silk Road projects. The proposed paper through the empirical and inductive research approach tries to identify the importance of Gwadar port in the economic and maritime trade of in the world. Gwadar port has an eminent status in the trade of China and Pakistan throughout the world. In future, it will be a keystone in the economic development of Baluchistan as well as Pakistan. Furthermore, China is also investing in the development of Gwadar port to make it the center of maritime trade of Chinese products. Thus, in a short span it becomes a center of maritime trade of the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-95
Author(s):  
Humaira Nazir

China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is based on a broad development strategy that not only has a strong impact on the economy of both countries but also has the potential of inclusion with other regions of Asia. The improvement of trade and infrastructure, and the linking of different regions are the main objectives of CPEC. In this regard, Gwadar’s deep-sea port serves as a hub that offers potential economic benefits not only to Pakistan but also to its surrounding regions. It offers an efficient track to conduct the trade of the Central Asian natural resources with the other regions of the world along with an easy approach to developing Asia’s customer markets. This paper tries to identify the importance of the Gwadar port using the qualitative research approach. It also intends to ensure access to those opportunities that could resuscitate Pakistan’s economic development under CPEC. Moreover, it aims to analyze the strengths and weaknesses associated with the Gwadar project. The findings revealed that the Gwadar port will be a keystone in the economic revival of Pakistan as well as Baluchistan. It will change the fate of the country by decreasing poverty and generating employment for the educated and skilled young people by providing them with the opportunity to seek jobs in their home country. However, the current study suggests that it is only possible when the Pakistani government will address all the concerns of the local inhabitants and regional bodies in order to make Gwadar not only a national but also a regional economic hub. Political parties and the Pakistani government should develop consensus on all CPEC strategies and development plans. Additionally, the governments of Pakistan and China must make an equal opportunity-based policy and plan to address the reservations and concerns of the local parties.  


Author(s):  
Humaira Nazir

China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is based on a broad development strategy that not only has a strong impact on the economy of both countries but also has the potential of inclusion with other regions of Asia. The improvement of trade and infrastructure, and the linking of different regions are the main objectives of CPEC. In this regard, Gwadar’s deep-sea port serves as a hub that offers potential economic benefits not only to Pakistan but also to its surrounding regions. It offers an efficient track to conduct the trade of the Central Asian natural resources with the other regions of the world along with an easy approach to developing Asia’s customer markets. This paper tries to identify the importance of the Gwadar port using the qualitative research approach. It also intends to ensure access to those opportunities that could resuscitate Pakistan’s economic development under CPEC. Moreover, it aims to analyze the strengths and weaknesses associated with the Gwadar project. The findings revealed that the Gwadar port will be a keystone in the economic revival of Pakistan as well as Baluchistan. It will change the fate of the country by decreasing poverty and generating employment for the educated and skilled young people by providing them with the opportunity to seek jobs in their home country. However, the current study suggests that it is only possible when the Pakistani government will address all the concerns of the local inhabitants and regional bodies in order to make Gwadar not only a national but also a regional economic hub. Political parties and the Pakistani government should develop consensus on all CPEC strategies and development plans. Additionally, the governments of Pakistan and China must make an equal opportunity-based policy and plan to address the reservations and concerns of the local parties.  


Author(s):  
Mirzaev Gulom Rizokulovich ◽  

The issues, formation, development, and prospects of economic cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with the countries of Central Asia are highlighted in this article. This paper analyses the factors influencing the economic cooperation of Uzbekistan with the countries of Central Asia. The role and importance of trade, exchanging goods, and joint ventures in strengthening economic cooperation between the countries of Central Asia are described gradually. As well as this paper studies the activities of joint Commissions for the development of economic relations and the legal framework of interstate economic cooperation. Such areas economic-trade, joint ventures, and transport Logistics, which determine regional economic growth in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan highlighted with examples. The paper determines that the beginning of a new era in the history of relations between the countries of Central Asia in recent years contributes to the development and strengthening of economic cooperation. Conclusions are drawn on the development of economic cooperation between the Republic of Uzbekistan and Central Asian countries, and several proposals are put forward to strengthen economic cooperation.


1993 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-243
Author(s):  
Karl E. Ryavec

The maps illustrating the archaeological surveys of Sir Aurel Stein's Central Asian expeditions remain to this day the most authoritative map series concerning the location of archaeological monuments in the Tarim Basin and Gansu Corridor of western China. The aim of this article is to evaluate the present-day value of Stein's maps for both relocating known ancient sites and attempting to locate additional sites on more recent maps. Figure i of this article shows the general area surveyed by Stein's expeditions. This study will be divided into three main parts: (i) a general description of Stein's cartographic surveys in terms of the regions of Xinjiang and Gansu surveyed and features depicted; (2) map series covering this region produced since Stein's surveys, and an outline of the history of the treatment of place names on both Stein's and subsequent maps; (3) an in-depth study of the Niya site area to illustrate both the extent to which Stein's original findings can be relocated on recent maps and the value of such maps for locating additional ancient sites.


2008 ◽  
pp. 147-176
Author(s):  
Dariusz Libionka

This article is an attempt at a critical analysis of the history of the Jewish Fighting Union (JFU) and a presentation of their authors based on documents kept in the archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw. The author believes that an uncritical approach and such a treatment of these materials, which were generated under the communist regime and used for political purposes resulted in a perverted and lasting picture of the history of this fighting organisation of Zionists-revisionists both in Poland and Israel. The author has focused on a deconsturction of the most important and best known “testimonies regarding the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising”, the development and JFU participation in this struggle, given by Henryk Iwaƒski, WΠadysΠaw Zajdler, Tadeusz Bednarczyk and Janusz Ketling–Szemley.A comparative analysis of these materials, supplemented by important details of their war-time and postwar biographies, leaves no doubt as to the fact that they should not be analysed in terms of their historical credibility and leads one to conclude that a profound revision of research approach to JFU history is necessary.


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