scholarly journals Mediatisation and Rallies during the 2019 Valencian Regional Election: Between ‘media logic’ and ‘political logic’

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Alvar Peris Blanes ◽  
Guillermo López García ◽  
Lorena Cano Orón ◽  
Vicente Fenoll
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Quantitative Methodology ◽  
Autonomous Community ◽  
Know How ◽  
Media Logic ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
The One ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
First Time

This paper analyses how political rallies develop in an age of intense mediatisation in which politicians and media influence one another. In this connection, we look at the Regional Elections held in the Valencian Autonomous Community in April 2019. For the first time, these coincided with a General Election, so that even more was at stake than usual. We wanted to know how political rallies were designed and what impact they had on both social networks and on television. The data were obtained through a qualitative observational analysis of the key rallies of the main parties taking part in the elections (PP, PSOE, Compromís, Ciudadanos, Unidas Podemos, and Vox). We combined that approach with a quantitative methodology for content analysis of the various rally postings made by parties and their leaders on their official Facebook and Twitter accounts. We also studied À Punt’s TV coverage of the same rallies in its news. On the one hand, the results indicate that election rallies continue to be highly ritualised events. Political parties carefully plan their rallies, always mindful of how these will be reported in today’s highly fragmented media systems — especially in social networks. On the other hand, our study suggests that information on rallies is still tightly controlled by the parties — something that is commonplace in Spanish election campaigns.

scholarly journals Elecciones Generales y redes sociales en el caso de España, 2011 General Elections and social networks in the case of Spain, 2011

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 144-149
Author(s):  
Bruno Castillejo ◽  
Dimitrina J Semova
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Redes Sociales ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Personal Accounts ◽  
The One ◽  
Popular Party ◽  
First Time

General Elections of November 20, 2011 marked a turning point in the use of social networks in Spain for political purposes: on the one hand, was the first time the major parties decided to use social networks in their election campaigns, and on the other, all studies show that small parties won on this field. Given that “the smalls” reached unexpected good election results, therefore we must examine the question of a possible relationship between votes won and presence in social networks. It is also important that the vast majority of messages against politicians came from users participants in the 15-M Movement (“The Outraged”). From their personal accounts they proposed different hashtags attacking the two major political parties: the Popular Party (PP) and the Socialist Party (PSOE).

Presence and specificity of the political communication of the Catalan independence leaders on Twitter in the 2017 regional elections

First Monday ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Bustos Díaz ◽  
Francisco Javier Ruiz del Olmo ◽  
Miguel Nazario Moreno Velasco
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Big Data ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Mixed Methodology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
Regional Elections

The regional elections in Catalonia held on 21 December 2017 received wide media coverage, far beyond Spanish media, due to separatist tension in that territory and was one of the main topics in most of the world’s media. Within this process social networks, especially Twitter, obtained crucial relevance given the interest aroused by the political leaders’ publications, since in those elections the debate transcended the usual ideological divisions of right and left and became a struggle between constitutionalists and separatists. This paper analyses the presence and influence of the main candidates of the Catalan political parties on Twitter. To achieve this, a mainly quantitative, mixed methodology based on big data was carried out where all the tweets issued by the candidates during the electoral campaign were analysed.

British defence policy: the breakdown of inter-party consensus

1987 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Jones
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The One ◽  
First Time ◽  
Second World

In 1983, for almost the first time since the end of the Second World War, defence became a major party political issue at a general election. In that year it was one of the major campaign issues between the political parties and, according to one poll, ranked second only to unemployment as an issue influencing voter behaviour. Indeed, poll evidence indicated that the Conservatives held an unprecedented and overwhelming 54 per cent lead over Labour on the question of British retention of nuclear arms. Furthermore, of those who thought of defecting from the Labour Party, 42 per cent gave defence as the main reason. Such figures as these suggest strongly that by 1983 the inter-party consensus which had governed defence issues since 1945 had broken down, particularly in view of the fact that the question of defence had not been raised as an issue affecting voting intentions in the 1979 election. The breakdown of consensus may thus be judged by the emergence of defence as a party political issue. It might even be said that in 1983 it was an electiondeciding issue, especially when one set of policies could be represented by opponents as being contrary to the continuation of British membership of NATO, the one issue on which all parties were agreed. Defence thus moved from being a peripheral issue to one at the centre stage of the election campaign and it had a major impact on the outcome of the election. However, the.demise of inter-party consensus was not reflected in the electorate as a whole, which chose to continue to support the tried, and trusted policies of the past rather than adopt the radical alternative presented by the Labour Party, If a new consensus is to emerge—and it is beyond the limits of this particular paper to consider whether a consensus in defence policy is desirable—then all parties will have to review their present policies. However, before turning to the reasons for the breakdown, it is instructive to consider the nature of the post-1945 consensus and the origins of its apparent demise.

scholarly journals Podemos in the Regional Elections 2015: Online Campaign Strategies in Castile and León

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dafne Calvo ◽  
Cristina Renedo Farpón ◽  
María Díez- Garrido
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Digital Tools ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Campaign Strategies ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Complete Transformation

 Internet has revolutionized many aspects in the way that political parties communicate. The Network has induced a complete transformation of the political strategies used during election campaigns to spread their message to the electorate. Politicians use social networks and digital platforms to promote their messages and to communicate with citizens during these periods of time. Facebook has proven to be one of the most effective networks in this regard. The party Podemos was born in 2014 in Spain, surrounded by a deep economic, institutional and political crisis. This political party promises to be a real hope to the negative situation of the country. In the recent years, Podemos has aroused the interest of social scientists because of the innovative way they use social networks. This paper explores the cybercampaign strategies that Podemos used during the 2015 Castile and León regional elections, a region where the population is very different from the party’s average voter. To this end, a quantitative analysis of their activity on Facebook and their website was made during the regional election campaign. The results of this study allow us to observe an ordinary use of the digital tools by Podemos that highlights the engagement achieved with users in Facebook. 

scholarly journals LOOKING FOR THE FORM OF INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY: STUDY OF PANCASILA IDEOLOGY TOWARDS CONCURRENT ELECTIONS IN 2024

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 676-686
Author(s):  
Osbin Samosir
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
New Order ◽  
Traditional Practices ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
European Democracy ◽  
Grassroots Level ◽  
One Year ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
First Time ◽  
Political Actions

Indonesia’s democracy has taken huge leaps since the starting of reformation in 1998, compared to Soeharto’s authoritarian ruling (New Order) from 1966 to May 21, 1998, and during Soekarno’s ruling from the country’s independence in 1945 until 1966. One year after Soeharto’s fall on May 21, 1998, Indonesia held its first democratically election on June 7, 1999. The election was contested by 48 political parties. In 2004, Indonesia for the first time held its direct presidential election. One year later, Indonesia held its first regional elections, where voters directly elect governors, regents and mayors. The question is on whether the current democratic practices have been in accordance with all democratic values as intended by Pancasila ideology as the basic foundation for Indonesia in all political actions? Pancasila: 1). The belief in one God, 2). Just and civilized humanity, 3). Indonesian unity, 4. Democracy under the wise guidance of representative consultation, 5). Social justice for all peoples of Indonesia. The country’s founding fathers formulated the understanding of democracy based the traditional practices of democracy at the grassroots level which have lasted for centuries throughout the country. However what happens now is that Indonesia just imitated the posture of Western/European democracy. It turns out that Indonesian democracy is very fragile because it does not have a tradition of democracy that grows independently from Indonesia's fertile soil itself, but democracy is taken from other cultures that have grown and developed in Europe and then transplanted in Indonesian soil. Therefore, the format for direct elections in Indonesia must be reviewed for improvement.

scholarly journals Competitive Discourses among the Valencian Right Wing: Communication and strategy in the 2019 regional elections

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 125-143
Author(s):  
Adolfo Carratalá ◽  
Dolors Palau Sampio
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Leadership Style ◽  
Frames Of Reference ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Right ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
First Time ◽  
Political Scene

The 2019 regional government election in The Valencian Country led to a new panorama on the Right. For the first time, there were three political parties competing for votes. In addition, the notoriety gained by the Far Right created a new political scene, posing a challenge to other parties. This paper analyses how the Partido Popular, Ciudadanos and Vox managed a campaign in which they were both electoral opponents but also potentially future parliamentary allies. The research examines the performance and campaign discourse of these three parties based on content analysis of the coverage of two newspapers’ (Levante-EMV and Las Provincias). The study examines the preferred frames of reference, the main topics, the cultural resonances and the ideological frameworks chosen by these parties. The results showed that news on these parties stressed leadership style and strategy — issues that were highlighted in the parties’ discourses given that they resonate strongly with Conservative voters. The issues chosen by the Far Right had little impact on the messages put over by the majority parties. The presence of three rightwing parties meant each tried to differentiate itself from the others. Vox [the farthest on the right, reminiscent of France’s Front National] tried to distinguish itself from the more mainstream Partido Popular (PP), which in turn was forced to defend its position as the ‘institutional’ party of the right. Ciudadanos (Cs) was the right-wing party that spoke most often of potential co-operation among the three forces.

scholarly journals Towards a Critical Understanding of Social Networks for the Feminist Movement: Twitter and the Women’s Strike

Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 91-109
Author(s):  
Dafne Calvo ◽  
Eva Campos-Domínguez ◽  
Iris Simón-Astudillo
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Feminist Movement ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Real Potential ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Critical Elements ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
Critical Understanding ◽  
First Time

The intensive use of digital platforms by the feminist movement has been identified as one of its main characteristics. Numerous studies address the tactical use of social networks by this movement, especially on 8 March in Spain. This paper studies the action repertoires of different actors who participated in the 2019 Women’s Strike conversation, including automated accounts. Empirical results demonstrate that Twitter is not an exclusive field for the feminist movement. Along with activists who promoted and informed the Women’s Strike, political parties proposed concrete policy measures, and conservative factions criticized the movement calling for demobilization. In this sense, for the first time in these M8 mobilizations, bots participated in this polarisation of the debate through partisan hashtags and the dissemination of fake news. The investigation thus confirms that automation techniques and contradictory flows of power are critical elements to understand the real potential of social networks for feminist social change.

Email Issue for Working at Information Technology Field

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Idva Maria Das Dores Gomes Xavier
Keyword(s):  
Information Technology ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Mobile Devices ◽  
Business Communication ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Know How ◽  
The Social ◽  
The One ◽  
First Time

The research was intended to know how matter of email function in working. Email has been used, when the first time everyone start to used internet. And email also the one of the social media that have in that time. Agree with the expansion of the internet, have a lot of people that use email to make a communication with the other people. One of the ways that make everyone happy to use email are easy to sending information and easy to use. Email afoot from optional communication to essential. This is proved if we see the work ethic in the big/great city. Every day and every time they can’t stop to open their computer to check out their account email. Because they use to make a business communication from email. Once of the most popular application in the mobile devices is email client.

scholarly journals What is There in a ‘Like’? Political Content in Facebook and Instagram in The 2019 Valencian Regional Election

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Silvia Marcos García ◽  
Nadia Viounnikoff-Benet ◽  
Andreu Casero Ripollés
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Visual Aids ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Public ◽  
The One ◽  
Opposition Parties

Over the last few years, social networks such as Facebook and Instagram have become the preferred places for political communication. On the one hand, politicians have incorporated them into their strategy as a channel through which they can share their messages. On the otherhand, users have a space where they can take part and show their interest in political issues. This paper examines posts on Facebook and Instagram by the main Valencian political parties and their respective leaders in the election campaign. We analysed the nature of the content and users’ ‘likes’ to reveal the functions and themes of the most popular posts and the use made of visual resources and interaction tools. The results show that the positioning taken by politicians influences the content getting the most ‘likes’. While supporters of opposition parties are most pleased by critical messages, followers of pro-government parties prefer messages that focus on management success. At the same time, items focusing on social policies and election campaign issues are those that generate the most ‘likes’ among the public. Visual aids (such as photographs and videos) and hash tags and links help boost users’ approval.

scholarly journals Atlas of ticks (Acari: Argasidae, Ixodidae) in Germany

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franz Rubel ◽  
Katharina Brugger ◽  
Lidia Chitimia-Dobler ◽  
Hans Dautel ◽  
Elisabeth Meyer-Kayser ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Tick Species ◽  
Migratory Birds ◽  
Dermacentor Reticulatus ◽  
Ixodid Ticks ◽  
Federal States ◽  
Ixodes Frontalis ◽  
Argas Reflexus ◽  
The One ◽  
Argasid Tick ◽  
First Time

AbstractAn updated and increased compilation of georeferenced tick locations in Germany is presented here. This data collection extends the dataset published some years ago by another 1448 new tick locations, 900 locations of which were digitized from literature and 548 locations are published here for the first time. This means that a total of 3492 georeferenced tick locations is now available for Germany. The tick fauna of Germany includes two species of Argasidae in the genera Argas and Carios and 19 species of Ixodidae in the genera Dermacentor, Haemaphysalis, and Ixodes, altogether 21 tick species. In addition, three species of Ixodidae in the genera Hyalomma (each spring imported by migratory birds) and Rhipicephalus (occasionally imported by dogs returning from abroad with their owners) are included in the tick atlas. Of these, the georeferenced locations of 23 tick species are depicted in maps. The occurrence of the one remaining tick species, the recently described Ixodes inopinatus, is given at the level of the federal states. The most common and widespread tick species is Ixodes ricinus, with records in all 16 federal states. With the exception of Hamburg, Dermacentor reticulatus was also found in all federal states. The occurrence of the ixodid ticks Ixodes canisuga, Ixodes frontalis, Ixodes hexagonus and I. inopinatus were documented in at least 11 federal states each. The two mentioned argasid tick species were also documented in numerous federal states, the pigeon tick Argas reflexus in 11 and the bat tick Carios vespertilionis in seven federal states. The atlas of ticks in Germany and the underlying digital dataset in the supplement can be used to improve global tick maps or to study the effects of climate change and habitat alteration on the distribution of tick species.

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