Issue Dimensions and Cleavages: How the Russian Experience Helps Us to Look for Cross-Points

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-235
Author(s):  
Yury Korgunyuk

Abstract The article analyzes the weak points of the Manifesto Project’s methodology, such as its emphasis on issue salience, instead of issue positions; bringing the content of manifestos under too broad categories formulated at the beginning of the project; not quite the appropriate technique of factor analysis etc. An alternative methodology is proposed that focuses on party positions on issues which generate the largest polarization in the political space. It also enriches the empirical base of the studies and adjusts the technique of factor analysis. In order to reveal political cleavages inside these dimensions, the so called electoral cleavages (factors of territorial differences in voting for various parties) are taken as a starting point: factor loadings of parties in the electoral and political spaces are compared through correlation and regression analyses. The proposed methodology is applied to an analysis of election results in Russia (2016) and Germany (2017).

Author(s):  
Yu. G. Korgunyuk

The article presents and justifies a method for determining the content of political dimensions. Political dimensions are calculated via factor analysis of party positions on popular political issues that are on the agenda. In addition, the author proposes to conduct a factor analysis of parties’ positions on specific issue domains — domestic politics, socio-economic policy, and systemic area. Factor loadings of the parties’ specific issue divisions are used as independent variables for building a regression model, whereas factor loadings of the same parties’ general issue divisions are used as a dependent variable. Such models allow the author to calculate the specific weight of this and the other specific issue division within each of the political dimensions and thus determine the content of the latter. The application of the method to the analysis of the national discussion demonstrated that, in the late autumn of 2020, the first issue dimension was characterized by the confrontation between “hawks” and “doves” in the international affairs (systemic issue domain) and, additionally, the authorities vs. opposition competition in the socio-economic sphere; the second dimension — by the authorities vs. opposition competition in the domestic politics, coupled with the confrontation between “hawks” and “doves” in the foreign policy and the struggle between communists and liberals in the socio-economic sphere; the third one — by the confrontation between liberals and loyalists in the domestic politics and between authorities and Soviet traditionalists in the systemic sphere. The application of the method to analyzing the results of the regional assemblies’ elections (2016—2020) allowed the author to conclude that the increase in the number of participating parties not only broadened dimensionality of the political space, but also increased the variety of issue divisions. The author also documented the change in the structure of the dominant specific issue divisions within the political dimensions, as well as the erosion of the political picture and the authorities vs. opposition confrontation coming to the forefront almost in every sphere. The analysis shows that, on average, voters perceived political dimensions as independent political cleavages in only a third of the cases. The complex composition of these dimensions indicates an increase in the polyvariance of the mass political consciousness; however, this tendency is compensated by the prevalence of easier-to-perceive forms — the confrontation between the authorities and opposition in the political and socio-economic spheres.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (7/8) ◽  
pp. 277-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Derksen ◽  
Léon de Caluwé ◽  
Joyce Rupert ◽  
Robert-Jan Simons

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to develop an instrument to assess the developmental space that teams create; examine whether creating more developmental space leads to greater satisfaction with team results; and decide which of three models best predicts perceived results. Design/methodology/approach – The paper presents a quantitative study of individuals (N = 257). An instrument was designed to assess developmental space and was validated with a factor analysis. Multiple regression analyses were used to examine whether creating developmental space led to greater satisfaction with team results. Findings – This study confirms the four-factor structure of developmental space suggested by earlier research. Creating more developmental space is positively related to perceived team results. Practical implications – This research highlights the importance of creating developmental space and provides teams with an instrument to assess their developmental space as a starting point for improvement. Originality/value – The interactions teams use are crucial in explaining the effects of teamwork, but seem underexposed in team research. Creating developmental space is a relatively new concept, hitherto only researched qualitatively. This empirical study extends and endorses previous research on developmental space by providing a quantitative assessment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089198872110361
Author(s):  
John T. Martin ◽  
Kimberly R. Chapman ◽  
Christopher Was ◽  
Mary Beth Spitznagel

The experience of dementia caregiver burden is multidimensional. Little is known about how different aspects of burden contribute to the consideration of moving a loved one to a structured living facility. In the present study, caregiver burden (Zarit Burden Interview; ZBI) and consideration of structured living arrangements (Desire to Institutionalize Scale; DIS) were self-reported by 339 caregivers. Exploratory factor analysis was used to determine the ZBI factor structure; these factors were then examined via hierarchical linear regression for prediction of DIS. Factor analysis indicated a 4-factor ZBI solution: Impact on Life, Guilt, Embarrassment/Frustration, and Escape/Uncertainty. Regression analyses indicated that only Escape/Uncertainty ( p < .001) was associated with DIS. Of the 4 identified factors of caregiver burden, desire to escape the caregiving role was most related to consideration of structured living arrangements. Future work should explore longitudinal contribution of this factor to determine its role in actual changes made in living arrangements.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES ADAMS ◽  
MICHAEL CLARK ◽  
LAWRENCE EZROW ◽  
GARRETT GLASGOW

Previous research explains the evolution of parties' ideological positions in terms of decision rules that stress the uncertainty of the political environment. The authors extend this research by examining whether parties adjust their ideologies in response to two possible influences: shifts in public opinion, and past election results. Their empirical analyses, which are based on the Comparative Manifesto Project's codings of parties' post-war programmes in eight West European nations, suggest that parties respond to shifts in public opinion, but that these effects are only significant in situations where public opinion is clearly shifting away from the party's policy positions. By contrast, no evidence is found here that parties adjust their ideologies in response to past election results. These findings have important implications for parties' election strategies and for models of political representation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Mieczysław Szlachta ◽  
Andrzej Ciupiński

The paper presents the scope and scale of transformation of the defense industries of Central Eastern Europe (CEE) countries after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR. The starting point is the role and position of the armaments economy sector (armaments economy environment), embedded in the realities of the centrally planned economy, and its submission to the politics of the USSR. The turn of the centuries was a period of political and economic transformation conducted during the conditions of a deep economic recession. The defense industry was one of the economic sectors most affected by the crisis. The economic and defense policy of CEE countries was aimed at preserving the capabilities of the armaments sector. Restructuring activities initiated and forced by the change of the political and economic environment have already brought noticeable effects, even though the process has not yet been completed. Defense industry enterprises have become entities operating on the same terms and conditions as other companies on the competitive market. The method of comparative analysis and a case study supplemented with elements of descriptive statistics were used to evaluate the course of the processes. The study has been focused on the analysis of the course of the changes and examination of effects of the analyzed phenomena for the economy and defense of the CEE countries, taking into account primarily their scale and scope.


Author(s):  
Ammar Shamaileh ◽  
Yousra Chaábane

What is the relationship between institutional favoritism, economic well-being, and political trust? Due to the role that East Bank tribes played in supporting the monarchy during the state’s formative years, Jordan has institutionalized a type of political discrimination that privileges East Bank Jordanians over Palestinian Jordanians. An empirical examination of the political institutions of the state reveals that such discrimination remains pervasive. It was subsequently theorized that institutional favoritism’s impact on political trust is conditional on income due to the greater salience of group identity among individuals with lower incomes. Regression analyses of survey data reveal a consistent negative correlation between political trust and income among East Bank Jordanians. There is little evidence of a substantively meaningful unconditional relationship between national origin and political trust.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4.9) ◽  
pp. 118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hendra Hidayat ◽  
Yuliana .

The entrepreneurial interest of students in higher education tends to be low,albeit the introduction of entrepreneurial education at colleges and universities. There is no exception of lack of interest in entrepreneurship at traditional food businesses where these businesses in Indonesia have an unlimited market share, higher profit, lower riskof loss, and continuous innovation. Entrepreneurial education is not the only determinant asthe students' environment, especially their family background also has an important role in influencing and building student entrepreneur interest. Hence,this study assesses the influence of entrepreneurship education and family background towards the interest of entrepreneurs especially in nutritious traditional foods based on a sample of 150 higher educationstudents. Data was collected usingquestionnaire whiledata was analysed usingdescriptive and multiple regression analyses. The results of the studyshow that entrepreneurial education as well as family background positively affect students’ entrepreneurial interest in traditional food. Therefore, entrepreneurship education should become a serious concern in higher education as can be one the students’ starting point in building the interest and spirit of entrepreneurs. 


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