The Munich conference of Minister-Presidents of German lands in 1947

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 86-98
Author(s):  
Ivan Popov
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
The West ◽  
Constitutional Development ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The One

The paper deals with the organization and decisions of the conference of the Minister-Presidents of German lands in Munich on June 6-7, 1947, which became the one and only meeting of the heads of the state governments of the western and eastern occupation zones before the division of Germany. The conference was the first experience of national positioning of the regional elite and clearly demonstrated that by the middle of 1947, not only between the allies, but also among German politicians, the incompatibility of perspectives of further constitutional development was existent and all the basic conditions for the division of Germany became ripe. Munich was the last significant demonstration of this disunity and the moment of the final turn towards the three-zone orientation of the West German elite.

scholarly journals Cosmopolitan Sophistry: Grounding Politics in Disorder and Uncertainty

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-223
Author(s):  
Jon Marshall
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Chaos Theory ◽  
Evolutionary Ecology ◽  
The State ◽  
Legitimate Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Social Death ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Moment ◽  
As If

Conceptions of the State, Nation and politics, which are actually in play in ‘the West’, usually descend from totalitarian models which are primarily Platonic and monotheistic in origin. They aim for unity, harmony, wholeness, legitimate authority and the rejection of conflict, however much they claim to represent multiplicity. By expressing a vision of order, such models drive an idea of planning by prophecy as opposed to divination, as if the future was certain within limits and the trajectory was smooth. Chaos theory and evolutionary ecology shows us that this conception of both society and the future is inaccurate. I will argue that it is useful to look at the pre-socratic philosophers, in particular the so-called sophists Gorgias and Protagoras and Heraclitus with their sense of ongoing flux, the truth of the moment, and the necessary power of rhetoric in the leading forth of temporary functional consensus within the flux. This ongoing oscillation of conflict provides social movement and life rather than social death.

American Democracy Reconsidered: Part I

1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. J. Sharpe
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Government ◽  
The State ◽  
City Government ◽  
State Governments ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

In his celebrated study of American democracy written in 1888, Lord Bryce reserved his most condemnatory reflections for city government and in a muchquoted passage asserted: ‘There is no denying that the government of cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United States. The deficiencies of the National government tell but little for evil on the welfare of the people. The faults of the State governments are insignificant compared with the extravagance, corruption and mismanagement which mark the administration of most of the great cities'sangeetha.

Radicals and the State

1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
GREGG O. KVISTAD
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
West Germany ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
German State ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
The One ◽  
State Employee ◽  
Political Battle

This article argues that ideas of the state are crucial for understanding contemporary politics in so-called “state-societies” like West Germany. It argues that the recent protracted and divisive political battle over state employee personnel policy in the Federal Republic needs to be understood as a conflict involving the power of two nineteenthcentury ideas of the German state, on the one hand, and the general modernization of the West German state and transformation of West German elite and mass political culture, on the other.

scholarly journals Place names of six southeast counties of Missouri

1938 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mayme Lucille Hamlett
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Place Names ◽  
The West ◽  
Present Survey ◽  
Indian Origin ◽  
The One ◽  
The City ◽  
New Madrid

Counties: Pemiscot, Dunklin, New Madrid, Scott, Mississippi, and Stoddard||"This study is one of a series undertaken to solve the problem of the origin of place-names in the one hundred and fourteen counties of Missouri and the city of St. Louis. This investigation was begun in 1928, and eight studies, covering sixty-three counties, have been completed. The present survey includes the six southeast counties of Pemiscot, Dunklin, New Madrid, Scott, Mississippi, and Stoddard. These counties represent the oldest and the newest in Missouri history. New Madrid County, which once embraced all of the territory of these six counties as well as that to the west and south of this section, was first organized in 1812, eight years before Missouri became a state; and Pemiscot is the youngest county in the state save Bollinger, which was organized one month after Pemiscot in 1851. A wide sweep of history is included in the placenames of this section, from Mississippi, a name of Indian origin known to have existed before 1539 when DeSoto first saw this body of water, to Culbertson in Pemiscot County, which is less than a year old -- so young that its progenitors are uncertain of its survival through infancy."--Page 1.

Albert Filozov and the Method of Physical Actions

1999 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bella Merlin
Keyword(s):  
Physical Nature ◽  
The State ◽  
Actor Training ◽  
The West ◽  
State Institute ◽  
Theatre Arts ◽  
Preceding Article ◽  
Hundredth Anniversary ◽  
The One

As a complementary piece to her preceding article on the formative significance of The Seagull to Stanislavsky's early thinking, Bella Merlin here looks at the play in the context of Stanislavsky's later work, when he was developing the Method of Physical Actions – an approach to a text which placed improvisation and the physical exploration of a scene at the centre of the actor's rehearsal process. This was in some ways a contravention of what was becoming codified in the West (through limited material being available in translation) as the psychological basis of the system. In 1995, Bella Merlin undertook a ten-month course of actor-training at the State Institute of Cinematography in Moscow, where she worked with acting ‘master’, Albert Filozov, who had trained with Mikhail Kedrov, one of the first developers of Stanislavsky's work following his death in 1938. Here, she examines the roots of Filozov's training and the nature of the Method of Physical Actions in theory and in practice. Bella Merlin trained as an actress in Britain and Russia, and has worked extensively in theatre and television. She is currently a lecturer in Drama and Theatre Arts at Birmingham University, where her area of research is acting processes and the psycho-physical nature of performance. This article is based on a paper delivered at the ‘Flight of the Seagull’ conference at the Alexandrinsky Theatre, St Petersburg, in November 1996, to celebrate the one-hundredth anniversary of the premiere of The Seagull.

scholarly journals The Togolese Chiefs: caught between the Scylla and Charibdis?

Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile A. B. van Rouveroy Van Nieuwaal
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
African State ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
Traditional Elite ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The One

In recent years, political and other scientists have wondered whether the African One Party system is able to cope with all the problems a modern state administration has to deal with. One of the most intriguing questions is to what extent the One Party Rule, as a political system, produces a structural and fundamental weakness in itself by which an effective (local) government is nearly been obstructed. It is noticeable, however, that in those African States where the (neo)traditional elite still plays an important role, their socio-legal and socio-political position in the day-to-day interaction between the (local) administration has - scientifically - received too little attention. It appears, that chieftaincy possesses a remarkable capacity for adapting itself to social and political changes. The chief can probably fulfil a crucial role in future efforts aimed at socio-economic transformations at regional and even national levels. The Togolese Government, in 1990 started opening the door to a multiparty system, it hereby recognizes the fact that the (neo)traditional elite is an outstanding means to maintain the interaction and the communication between the State and the people.This contribution focuses on the interaction between the State in Togo and - in this very example: the Head of the State himself - and chiefs in North Togo particulary in the district of Sokodé in the period 1989 and 1987 at the moment that the paramount chief of the Tern (Kotokoli) has passed away and his succession to the throne has been the start of a strong, long and vehement struggle for power inside the Tern society and to a negotiation between the Head of State and the traditional political elite of that society. KEY WORDS: African administration, African State, chieftaincy, Togo, One Party System 

scholarly journals The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-65
Author(s):  
Timothy William Waters
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
The State ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Equal Protection ◽  
Ethnic Cleansing ◽  
State Control ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
State Support ◽  
The West ◽  
The One

What limits ought there be on a state’s ability to create a homogeneous society, to increase or perpetuate non-diversity, or to create hierarchies within existing diversity? This article examines those questions with reference to the Lieberman Plan—which proposes to transfer populated territories from Israel to the Palestine in exchange for Jewish settlements on the West Bank— as an abstract exercise in demographic transformation by the state. First the article considers if the Lieberman plan would “work”: Would it create the alterations it proposes, and would those changes achieve a stable, peaceful, perhaps even just settlement? It finds that though there is debate about the range of effect, there is little doubt that transfer would alter the state’s demography. It then turns to the international standards that might govern the transfer of territory and the denaturalization of citizens, to see how they would characterize such a plan. It finds that comparisons to ethnic cleansing are inapposite, and that norms protecting citizenship are considerably more complex than they first appear—even allowing ethnically targeted denaturalization in some cases.The article then analyzes the loyalty provisions of the Lieberman Plan, and notes that, contrary to the usual normative assumption that citizenship is tied to the state, the foundations of citizenship are actually a habitual or formative link to a given territory, which in turn creates a right to citizenship not in any particular state, but in the one that incidentally is sovereign over that territory. This interaction of citizenship and territory, when considered together with norms requiring equal protection for all citizens, suggests that the polity has an interest in defining its own territorial scope, and thereby its membership. The legal regime is ambiguous, and therefore deliberations about this question are in the realm of politics. The article demonstrates how transfer’s assimilation to existing norms suggests a novel interpretation of selfdetermination with far-reaching consequences for both sides of the conflict.Finally, the article notes that international law, though it polices excesses, is largely silent on the principal determinant of demography: the fact of state control over territory.

Interim Imposition

2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Arato
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Far East ◽  
The State ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Transitional Period ◽  
The West ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
The Far East ◽  
Critical Attention ◽  
The Moment

[MacArthur] said that he had issued no orders or directives, and that he had limited himself merely to suggestions…. He stated that it was his belief, that it was his conviction, that a constitution, no matter how good, no matter how well written, forced upon the Japanese by bayonet would last just as long as bayonets were present, and he was certain that the moment force was withdrawn and the Japanese were left to their own devices they would get rid of that constitution.—Recorded on January 29,1946, by Nelson T. Johnson, Secretary-General of the Far East CommissionIn spite of the storm surrounding its first appearance, the cumbersomely named “Law of Administration for the State of Iraq for the Transitional Period” (TAL) has been surprisingly immune from criticism in the West since its initial signing on March 8, 2004. American officials, anxious to declare victories where they can, as well as journalists seeking newsworthiness have insisted on the more accurate and revealing term “interim constitution.” Its technocratic name, designed to neutralize (or hide) its constitutional significance, may partly explain why it has received little critical attention, but a more likely explanation is that many of its readers have rightly or wrongly viewed it as offering better protections for rights, including those of minorities and women, and more safeguards against newforms of authoritarian rule than other constitutions in Islamic countries, especially those in the Arab Middle East, including Iraq's own constitutional past. Commentators are apt to overlook the imposed character of the production of the document, perhaps because they suspect that a more genuinely negotiated and consensual product would very possibly have included fewer supposed protections for rights and safeguards against dictatorship, or at least the “tyranny of the majority.”

scholarly journals Estado y políticas públicas en la crisis de la COVID-19. Desafíos prácticos

2020 ◽  
pp. 96-109
Author(s):  
Maximiliano CAMPOS RÍOS ◽  
María del Rosario SACOMANI
Keyword(s):  
Emergency Management ◽  
State Capacity ◽  
The State ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
The Other ◽  
New Normal ◽  
Communication Challenges ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The One ◽  
Management Of Uncertainty

Laburpena: Lan honek 2020an larrialdia kudeatzeko eta COVID-19aren pandemia kudeatzeko Estatuaren eta politika publikoen arazo teoriko eta praktiko nagusiak egituratu nahi ditu. Hauek dira: 1) estatuaren gaitasuna; 2) larrialdiaren kudeaketa; 3) baliabideen mobilizazioa; 4) barne-artikulazioak eragindako arazoak; 5) maila anitzeko koordinazioa; 6) komunikazioaren erronkak; 7) ebidentziaren erabilera eta ziurgabetasunaren kudeaketa; 8) protokoloen eraikuntza; 9) prozesuaren gobernantza eta lidergoa; eta 10) larrialdian zehar compliance publikoa. Ildo horretan, "normaltasun berriaren" erronkek eskatzen dute, alde batetik, larrialdiaren kudeaketatik ikasitako irakaspenak txertatzea, eta, bestetik, ezartzen den unetik bertatik eredua krisian jarriko duen ariketa prospektibo bat egitea, eredua egokitzeko alderdiak indartzeko, errealitate kontingente eta desafiatzaile baten esparruan. Resumen: El presente trabajo intenta estructurar los principales problemas teóricos y prácticos del Estado y las políticas públicas para el manejo de la emergencia y la gestión de la pandemia del COVID-19 durante el 2020. Estos son: 1) la capacidad estatal; 2) la gestión de la emergencia; 3) la movilización de recursos; 4) los problemas de articulación interna; 5) la coordinación multinivel; 6) los desafíos de la comunicación; 7) el uso de evidencia y la gestión de la incertidumbre; 8) la construcción de protocolos; 9) la gobernanza y liderazgo del proceso; y 10) el cumplimiento normativo (compliance) público durante la emergencia. En ese sentido, los desafíos de la “nueva normalidad” implican, por un lado, incorporar las lecciones aprendidas de la gestión de la emergencia, y por el otro, hacer un ejercicio prospectivo que ponga en crisis al modelo desde el momento de su implantación y que potencie los aspectos adaptativos del mismo en el marco de una realidad contingente y desafiante. Abstract: This paper attempts to structure the main theoretical and practical problems of the State and public policies for emergency management and the administration of the Covid19 pandemic during 2020. These are: 1) State capacity; 2) Emergency management; 3) Mobilization of resources; 4) Internal articulation problems; 5) Multilevel coordination; 6) Communication challenges; 7) The use of evidence and the management of uncertainty; 8) Construction of protocols; 9) Governance and leadership of the process; and 10) Public compliance during the emergency. In this sense, the challenges of the “new normal” imply, on the one hand, incorporating the lessons learned from emergency management, and on the other, carrying out a prospective exercise that puts the model in crisis from the moment of its implementation., empowering the adaptive aspects of it in the framework of a contingent and challenging reality.

scholarly journals MENGKAJI KEMBALI POSISI KORBAN KEJAHATAN DALAM SISTEM PERADILAN PIDANA

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rena Yulia
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
The State ◽  
Judicial Process ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Bodily Injury ◽  
Victims Of Crime ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The One

Victims of crime is the one suffer either a bodily injury or a mental injury, or both of them in a crime. At the moment, the legal tratment of the victims of crime is not worth the legal treatment of the offender. The victims tend to be left behind in the law enforcement process as the victims cannot be directly involved in the judicial process to defent their rights. The state through the general prosecutor, took charge of such rights. The prosecution to represent the victims in the judicial process and provide protection interests of the victim. Korban kejahatan merupakan pihak yang menderita kerugian baik secara fisik, psikis maupun materiil ketika terjadi sebuah kejahatan. Namun perlindungan hukum terhadap korban kejahatan tidak sebanding dengan perlindungan terhadap pelaku. Bahkan korban cenderung menjadi pihak yang terabaikan dalam proses penegakan hukum. Korban tidak dapat menjadi pihak sebagaimana pelaku. Korban tidak terlibat langsung dalam proses peradilan untuk membela hak-haknya. Negara mengambil sebagian hak korban untuk melakukan penuntutan, kemudian menugaskan jaksa penuntut umum untuk melakukan penuntutan. Dengan diserahkannya hak-hak korban dalam penuntutan maka penuntutan yang dilakukan harus melindungi kepentingan korban.

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