scholarly journals MERITOCRACY AND POPULISM – IS THERE A CONNECTION?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erzsebet Bukodi ◽  
John H Goldthorpe

In three recent critiques of meritocracy – Markovits (2019), Sandel (2020) and Goodhart (2020) – the argument is advanced that the failing pursuit of an education based meritocracy by mainstream political parties, together with the persistence of meritocratic discourse, have generated status discontents that readily translate into support for populist movements and parties. We consider how far recent research can provide empirical grounding for this argument. We find that there is a growing body of evidence that populist support is associated with low social status – is an expression of status rather than of class politics. The evidence that status discontents arise from the discordance between meritocratic discourse and the failure to realise a meritocracy is less strong but, such as it is, appears consistent with the claims that the authors in question make. We suggest that further research in this latter regard would be of more than academic importance, given the policy and political implications that would follow if a meritocracy-populism connection were to be more decisively confirmed.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-143
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian

This paper – focused on a deep analysis of the student movement that occupied the streets of Montevideo in 1968 – aims at proposing some analytical lines to understand this and other contemporary cycles of protest in different places of the world. After locating these events in a wide geography characterized both by political acceleration and the dramatic display of cultural change, four relevant themes in the growing body of literature on the «global Sixties» are raised. First, it is addressed the relationship between social movements and groups or political parties in these «short cycles» of protest. Second, the idea that violence was rather a catalyzer of political innovation rather than the result of political polarization is proposed. Third, it breaks down the diversity of possible links between culture, in a broad sense, and the forms of political participation in youth mobilizations. Finally, it can be more rewarding to look at different scales of analysis of these processes, from the strictly national to the transnational circulation of ideas and people.


Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

This chapter examines the rhetoric of the March crisis as well as the ideals proferred and the programs espoused by both sides. In the wake of the March crisis, the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) announced steps to end the period of transitional rule and facilitate the return of parliamentary life. It also proclaimed an end to all press censorship. The chapter first considers the debates over issues confronting the CCR, including the constituent assembly that would work on a new constitution, the idea of limiting the number of political parties in Egypt, and the political, economic, and social status of women. It also discusses the impact of the March crisis on the Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL) and other communist movements, along with the notion that the liberal intelligentsia failed to support the revolution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 223 ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viji Diane Kannan ◽  
Theodore M. Brown ◽  
Stephen J. Kunitz ◽  
Benjamin P. Chapman

2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gavin Barrett

Irish legal framework on European referendums – Case-law – Judicial activism – No appropriate legislative reaction – Essential scope or objectives test – Constitutional amendment necessary if test not met – Single Act – Pressure for referendum at each new treaty – Political implications – Positive and negative sides of referendums – Referendum-elites – Government sidelined – Equal access to broadcasting – Issues of equality – Diminished role of political parties


2006 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kari Karppinen

Abstract Diversity and pluralism are foundational principles that seem to underlie much of the arguments in European communication and media policy. Consequently, the positive value associated with these concepts can be exploited in arguments for various and often-incompatible objectives. This paper discusses the uses and implications of different definitions and empirical objectifications of media diversity in media policy with a particular focus on how certain definitions and political rationalities become institutionalized and normalized in expert and policy discourses. It is argued in the article that the growing body of research on media diversity as a measurable concept implies a shift from the normative and political questions to more narrowly defined technocratic and market-driven definitions of media and culture, a move which itself is not without normative and political implications.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 807-821 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aki Koivula ◽  
Ilkka Koiranen ◽  
Arttu Saarinen ◽  
Teo Keipi

This study provides a new frame of reference for understanding intraparty dynamics by analyzing party members’ representativeness with respect to party supporters regarding socioeconomic status and the ideological spectrum in a multiparty system, namely that of Finland. The analysis is based on a unique member-based survey of Finland’s six major political parties ( N = 12,427), which is combined with supporter data derived from a nationally representative survey ( N = 1648). The clearest difference was found between supporters’ and members’ social status as members were generally in clearly higher social positions. However, there is a wider gap between parties when comparing supporters and members in terms of social status. Findings show that political opinions on income equality are still a key difference between traditional mass parties at the different levels of party strata, while incongruence within parties is relatively low. In contrast to the traditional parties, the newer parties, namely the Finns and the Greens, are ideologically close to their supporters in terms of attitudes concerning immigration and environment. Together, these findings provide an interesting landscape of the last decade’s changes in the Finnish political spectrum and contribute to the ongoing discussion on the changing forms of political parties.


Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

Social groups are often considered schools of democracy where people learn participatory norms and develop participatory skills. This chapter describes the levels of activity for five social groups: political parties, unions and business associations, religious groups, leisure groups, and other groups. The analyses then show the positive relationship between group activity and various modes of activity across the established democracies. There is also a social-status bias in these effects. Higher-status individuals are more active in social groups, which gives them an additional bonus in becoming politically active. Thus social groups generally widen the participation gap defined by social status alone.


Author(s):  
Gary Rhoades

Right wing populist movements are challenging established political parties and institutions, including higher education.  The discourse and platforms of these movements are a nationalistic backlash against elites and “others” that are antithetical to all that universities at their best stand for.  But universities would do well to refocus on class-based inequities that also underlie this shift, in ways that rebalance the global and local.


Significance This relates to its declining efficiency, increasing tensions among its members and pressures from the political parties to influence high-profile judicial investigations involving former Presidents Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (CFK, now vice-president) and Mauricio Macri. The recent election of Horacio Rosatti as its president has been welcomed by the judiciary as a positive move that could improve the Court’s functioning. Impacts Changes in the Supreme Court will exacerbate the lack of dialogue with the executive branch. Judicial decisions with significant political implications cannot be ruled out before the next presidential election in 2023. The government’s confrontational approach towards opposition parties will make it difficult to select a replacement for Highton.


Author(s):  
Dieter Grimm

This chapter argues that the European Union suffers from a legitimacy deficit and explains how it can gain acceptance from its citizens. In the beginning, there were good reasons for European integration. Approval was high, but that high approval has been lost. With respect to integration, the 1992 Maastricht Treaty marked the beginning of the EU’s weak acceptance. In the long run it fostered the spread of anti-European political parties. This chapter considers the various proposals aimed at bringing the EU closer to its citizens, including a full parliamentarization of the EU, before making its own recommendations: first, the European Parliament must be brought closer to the public; second, there must be clearer limits on communalization; and third, decisions with significant political implications must be re-politicized. The point is not to abandon constitutionalization, but to draw proper conclusions from the constitutionalization that has already taken place.


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