scholarly journals Beyond Welfare

2022 ◽  
Vol 31 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 45-72
Author(s):  
Vargha Bolodo-Taefi

Invoking a broad catalog of applicable Bahá’í principles, this paper presents the conceptual and theoretical underpinnings of a Bahá’í approach to economic growth and disparity and then maps these concepts onto an applied framework of economic rights and responsibilities. The framework that emerges thus both conceptualizes the underlying virtues that govern economic prosperity in a Bahá’í model and shows how these principles might lead to normative prescriptions for economic rights and responsibilities. The paper concludes that the Bahá’í principles dealing with economic prosperity expand the theory and practice of economic justice and give rise to individual and institutional rights and responsibilities that go beyond the imperatives of conventional models of welfare.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Sue-Mari Viljoen

Abstract It has partly been assumed that the constitutional obligation to pay compensation for expropriations is to blame for the slow pace at which land has been redistributed in South Africa. However, this assumption requires careful analysis and reflection, with reference to the imperfections of the policies and laws that set out to address landlessness, as well as the underlying theoretical approach to economic justice. This article questions the purpose for which land reform beneficiaries acquire land, with reference to the role that property should ideally fulfil for the landless. The article makes a number of observations to cast light on why the redistribution of land has been alarmingly slow, where inconsistencies and loopholes exist in the programme, and whether expropriations for nil compensation will make any difference in remedying existing failures in the redistribution programme.


1991 ◽  
Vol 101 (407) ◽  
pp. 999
Author(s):  
Andrew Tylecote ◽  
R. M. Sundrum

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
Olalekan Moyosore Lalude ◽  
Ayodeji Fatehinse

Economic justice is the expression of the effective distribution of economic goods. This could be realized through judicial mechanisms.   Effective judicial systems are the platform on which economic justice can be actualized. There is a positive connection between economic justice and an effective judicial system, and this is usually measured by the rule of law and the level of its regard.  The paper argued that one of the established dysfunctional characteristics of developing nations is the failure of their judicial system to deliver economic justice and the inability of the state to coordinate the integrity of its institutions. This paper employed a qualitative approach in its exploration of the issues. It engaged content analysis in the processing of the arguments it advanced. The paper argued that the resolution of economic justice and other institutional considerations could help in economic growth, especially in Nigeria. The paper concluded by suggesting that judicial structure must be strengthened in order to derive the capacity needed to realize economic justice in Nigeria.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Brendan Howe

‘Econophoria’ is the hope that the solution of all governance challenges, whether international or domestic, can be sought through economic growth and development. It is prevalent in the East Asian region, where tremendous economic development success stories have gone hand-in-hand with lengthy periods without interstate war. This paper explores the theoretical underpinnings and antecedents for econophoria, and how it has manifest in practice in East Asia. It also raises, however, a number of questions which challenge the underlying assumptions of peace though trade and economic growth paradigms in East Asia. How does the skewed wealth distribution that is associated with macro-economic growth affect the internal stability and peace of the societies in East Asia? Does this have an impact on the propensity of the governments to contain the conflicts they have with their neighbours at a level of low tension? Is the pursuit of economic growth prior to, or at the expense of, human rights and the wellbeing of the most vulnerable sustainable in the contemporary international operating environment?


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Shareen Hertel

This chapter provides an overview of the book, situating it as a contribution to debates in political science as well as business and human rights literatures. The puzzle central to the book is presented: Does the practice of “stakeholder consultation” contribute to fulfilling the economic rights of people who live in manufacturing communities integral to global supply chains? Why or why not, and under what conditions? This introductory chapter positions the book within broader scholarly debates over the nature of remedy for human rights abuse. It also explores why existing modes of consultation often fall short of addressing the underlying structural factors that perpetuate poverty in manufacturing communities globally (thus bridging literatures on the political economy of grassroots development and industrialization). The chapter previews the empirical contributions of the book—specifically, its engagement with multiple methods and multiple sources of data (e.g., historical, statistical, interview, and participant observation–based data) aimed at uncovering the challenges of stakeholder consultation in theory and practice. The chapter concludes by outlining the succeeding chapters briefly.


2009 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 1257-1273 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Charles Sherman

The purpose of this essay is to consider the significance of new developmentalism for the field of law and development. New developmentalism refers to a theory and practice of development economics, which appears to have entered mainstream development thinking. Its core elements also seem to have been a factor in the dynamic economic growth that has occurred in a number of emerging economies. This trend is significant for the field of law and development because: (a) conventional economic development orthodoxies are seen to have shaped previous law and development movements; (b) these models and their corresponding law reform projects were arguably inadequately adapted to existing domestic circumstances; and (c) new developmentalism represents a departure from conventional development orthodoxies, as it necessitates both learning and adapting to local settings. Yet such a system also creates new challenges for law reformers and policymakers within the international development community (not to mention domestic reformers), and it remains unclear (if not doubtful) that new developmental states can be engineered by external actors and institutions.


1981 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 566-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seleshi Sisaye

Since the beginnings of development assistance to Third World countries during the post-World War II period, there have been some philosophical changes in the theory and practice of development aid programmes. Western development aid ( i.e., of the United States and West European countries), can be classified into two main conceptual types. These include economic growth as development objective and economic growth with an increased quality of life as development objective. The first two decades of development assistance 1950–1970 focused on economic growth objectives with increased production. The period, 1970–1980 concentrated on redistributive measures to improve the quality of life of the rural poor, the provision of basic needs, creation of employment opportunities, and the implementation of policy measures to reduce relative inequality and absolute poverty. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the changes in the theory and practice of Western aid programmes in Third World countries from 1945–1979. We will look into the underlying international causes that contributed to these changes. We will also review the evolution of aid to Third World countries for the last thirty years by examing the economic, political and social background for the changes in development assistance from urban to rural development programmes and from an emphasis in increasing production to that of redistribution with growth. These problems are discussed in the hight of their relevance for policy-onented rescoorch in Third World Comtnes.


1981 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 499-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert K. Lacerte

The international situation in which the early Haitian republic found itself between 1820 and 1843 aggravated its internal problems and precipitated its economic decline. The economic structure of the new country had been weakened by the destruction of the colonial sugar plantations during the war of liberation against France (1791-1804). It proved impossible to resurrect these in the republican era, because of the lack of capital and the unwillingness of the ex-slaves to return to plantation life. They wanted property of their own, and this insistence forced successive governments to distribute land to them. Only Henri Christophe, who ruled the North as a kingdom (1806-1820), succeeded in maintaining the old system through forced labor; an experiment which died with him. Dramatic as these changes were, however, they were not sufficient to prevent the resurgence of a new economy based on coffee; a crop which was well suited to peasant cultivation. The shift towards coffee exports had begun in the last years of the colonial era and accelerated in the years after 1804. An economy of smallholders engaged in the cultivation of coffee and provisions existing alongside the remaining plantations could have provided a modest foundation for economic growth. Alexandre Pétion, the first president of Haiti (1806-1818), had envisioned this possibility and it was one of the reasons which he gave for carrying out the first land reform in Latin America. Haiti was a major exporter of coffee in the first half of the nineteenth century, and there were a number of foreign merchants already present in the country to purchase the crop. Instead of economic prosperity, the years after 1820 witnessed an economic decline which made the first black nation virtually ungovernable after 1843 save by the rule of caudillos.


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