scholarly journals Aboriginal women in Australia: from domestic workers to big politics. Part 2. Political arena

Author(s):  
N.S. Skorobogatykh ◽  

In this part of the article analyzes the participation of aboriginal women in the political life of their country and their activity on the parliamentary arena. The main character is Linda Burney, whose life and work vividly embodies the main features of the modern stage in the Australian indigenous peoples’ human rights movement

Author(s):  
N.S. Skorobogatykh ◽  

The article attempts to give an overview of the women participation in the aboriginal human rights movement in Australia. It traces the path of women activists and their role in the social and political life of this country. In Part 1 the main attention is paid to the sphere of public service, which became the meaning of the life for the first generation of aboriginal women human rights defenders.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darina Vasileva

The history of the emigration of Bulgarian Muslim Turks to Turkey is more than a century old. The violation of the human rights of ethnic Turks by the totalitarian regime during the 1980s resulted in the most massive and unpredictable migration wave ever seen in that history. This article examines the complexity of factors and motivations of the 1989 emigration which included almost half of the ethnic Turks living in Bulgaria and constituting until that time 9 percent of the total population. The author considers the strong and long-lasting effect of this emigration—followed by the subsequent return of half of the emigrants after the fall of the regime—both on Bulgaria's economy and on the political life of the society. The article aims also at providing a better understanding of the character of ethnic conflicts in posttotalitarian Eastern Europe.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 561-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuty Raihanah Mostarom

There is a common perception that Muslim religious leaders (ulama) in Singapore do not play any political role for the local Muslim community. Due to the seemingly close relationship between the government and grassroots Muslim organisations it is unsurprising that many presume that the activities of organisations such as the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS) and the Singapore Islamic Scholars and Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) are closely monitored by the government. As a result of this environment, the ulama in Singapore do not enter into the political arena. This article argues that the very act of keeping religion out of formal political life in Singapore is a conscious position taken by the local ulama and that in itself is a form of politics. Choosing not to do something is a political choice.


Author(s):  
Elvira Domínguez-Redondo

The political nature of the decisions creating mandates has propitiated the development of pioneering methods of work because they provided a wide margin of autonomy to experts acting as mandate holders. Their less than solid normative basis has also allowed political contestation. The legal foundations have been particularly weak in justifying working methods to handle individual communications of human rights violations, since it represents an extraordinary limitation to the sovereignty of states. In this context, states have pushed for several reforms of the UN Special Procedures with different motivations. The reform agendas pursued by the Asian and African Group have been considered as particularly threatening for the future of Special Procedures. In practice, their number has continued to grow. Furthermore, several waves of reform have resulted in standardization of practices and the provision of sounder legal bases for the methods of work of mandate holders through the approval of the Code of Conduct, among other measures. The processes of reform have forced the consideration of Special Procedures as a distinct category in the political arena.


2021 ◽  
pp. 98-130
Author(s):  
Richard Martin

The Policing Board sits at the heart of the intersection between human rights law and politics. As a corporate body, the Policing Board has a statutory duty to monitor police compliance with the HRA. This chapter argues that regardless of the Policing Board’s statutory duty to monitor policing based on the standards of the HRA, for the political members on the Policing Board, human rights are a vessel harbouring deep sentiments and concerns at the heart of which are competing histories of the conflict, legacies of policing and understandings of Northern Ireland’s imperfect peace. These narratives swirl around, and at times directly contradict, the official police voice, further demonstrating the elasticity of human rights to stretch to fit the visions of different actors. The examination of alternative official narratives by political parties in Northern Ireland is developed across three sections, inspired by the dimensions of the ‘political life’ of human rights set out in Chapter 1. These three dimensions are: the role historical context plays in structuring the ambit and style of human rights contestation involving social actors; human rights as an articulation of a much wider array of interests, fears and aspirations that find expression through rights narratives; and how human rights can be used by groups to actively construct claims with the hope of achieving legal gains in specific fields


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 19 considers the political and social consequences of violence against women in politics. The implications of these acts reach far beyond their effects on individual victims, harming political institutions as well as society at large. First, attempting to exclude women as women from participating in political life undermines democracy, negating political rights and disturbing the political process. Second, tolerating mistreatment due to a person’s ascriptive characteristics infringes on their human rights, damaging their personal integrity as well as the perceived social value of their group. Third, normalizing women’s exclusion from political participation relegates women to second class citizenship, threatening principles of gender equality. The chapter concludes that naming the problem of violence against women in politics thus has important repercussions along multiple dimensions, making the defense of women’s rights integral to the protection of political and human rights for all.


POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Nevy Rusmarina Dewi ◽  
Ahmad Sholahuddin

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-US">Partai kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB)  is one of the Islamic parties which has a fairly large mass in Indonesia. Its existence in Indonesia is very important to unite the multicultural nation of Indonesia. During Gus Dur's leadership, PKB opened many discourses on the issue of multiculturalism so that many people made PKB a role model in multicultural life. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method using literature study sources in the form of books, websites, articles and newspapers. One case that shows the attitude of PKB is multicultural is the Papua Conflict case. Recent cases have become very important issues for the sustainability of politics and governance in Indonesia. PKB gave a statement in overcoming this conflict, that the Indonesian government immediately resolve the issue. Multicultural open policy has become part of PKB in the political arena in Indonesia. In this article, we will discuss how PKB attitudes in political life in Indonesia, especially regarding attitudes in conflict in Papua.</span></p>


2019 ◽  
pp. 101-112
Author(s):  
Michael J. Kral

After many years, and for some peoples centuries, of colonial/imperial dispossession of their lives and cultures, indigenous peoples are increasingly gaining momentum in self-determination and collective agency. A spirit is moving, however slowly but strongly, through Indigenous country. It is called indigenism, the international human rights movement for indigenous peoples. This chapter examines how indigenous peoples and Inuit are reclaiming their lives after colonialism. Self-determination and human rights are discussed, as are indigenous social movements. These movements are seen in Canada, the United States, Ecuador, the Philippines, South America, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, and other countries. The chapter concludes with a focus on Inuit self-determination, including land claims and self-government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-64
Author(s):  
Muannif Ridwan ◽  
Hasbi Umar ◽  
Hermanto Harun

The principles of Human Rights are the goals of Islamic shari'a or maqashid al-shari'ah (the philosophy of Islamic law) which has been formulated by al-Ghazali and perfected by as-Syatibi. These principles are summarized in al-dlaruriyah al-khamsah or also called al-huquq al-insaniyah fi al-Islam (human rights in Islam). This concept consists of five basic principles that must be maintained and respected by every individual; Hifzhu al-Din (respect for religious freedom), Hifzhu al-Mal (respect for property), Hifzhu al-Nafs wa al-'Irdl (respect for life, right to life and individual honor), Hifzhu al-'Aql (respect for freedom of thought), and Hifzhu al-Nasl (respect for keeping offspring).This research is examined using a juridical-normative and socio-legal and historical approach. The principles of human rights in the Medina Charter consist of: the principles of justice, equality, freedom of religion, piety, and commanding good and evil. Iimplementation of human rights values ​​in The Medina Charter in Indonesia, the author summarizes it into three areas of life; religion, nation and state consisting of:the field of religious harmony, the field of law and constitution enforcement and the field of socio-political life and the development of the political system. Among the authors' findings, the Medina Charter contains ideas that have strong relevance to the developments and desires of today's world community, especially for Indonesia. The ideas in the Medina Constitution were also absorbed by the founding figures of the Indonesian nation, which can be seen in the Jakarta Charter which later gave birth to Pancasila. The contents of the Medina Charter and Pancasila have in common as a sentence of sawa'  (meeting point) diversity or a noble agreement that is constructive, loves, and defends Indonesia, as well as the Medina Charter.


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