Russia in 2000-2004: Heading towards State Capitalism?

2004 ◽  
pp. 42-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Radygin

The paper deals with one of the characteristic trends of the 2000s, that is, the government's property expansion. It is accompanied by attempts to consolidate economic structures controlled by the state and state-owned stock packages and unitary enterprises under the aegis of holdings. Besides the government practices selective severe enforcement actions against a number of the largest private companies, strengthens its control over companies with mixed capital and establishes certain informal procedures of relationships between private business and the state. The author examines the YUKOS case and the business community's actual capacity to protect its interests. One can argue that in all likelihood the trend to the 'state capitalism' in its specific Russian variant has become clearer over 2003-2004.

2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 11013
Author(s):  
Warsono Hardi ◽  
Nurcahyanto Herbasuki ◽  
Rifda Khaerani Thalita

The condition of the state border area between Indonesia and Malaysia is totally different. Children of Indonesian Workers (TKI) have no (limited) access to learn in formal schools since they do not have citizenship documents. This study aims to analyze the implementation of basic education mission in the border area, particularly in Sebatik island, Nunukan regency, North Kalimantan province. In addition, the research was conducted using qualitative explorative approach. Problems arising at the border area are very diverse and systemic. The Indonesian government conducts the education in border areas still very limitedly. The role of the public, corporate and private companies (Three Net Working) becomes very important in operating the schools in border area. The role of a former lecturer who is famously called Mrs. Midwife Suraidah is very dominant in helping TKI’s children to learn a variety of knowledge in Sekolah Tapal Batas (Tapal Batas School) in Sebatik island, Nunukan Regency, North Kalimantan province. Some help from companies such as Pertamina (national oil mining company), Dompet Dhuafa foundation and volunteers who are willing to be teachers strongly support the continuously of Tapal Batas School. The continuity of basic education in the state border becomes a challenge for the government since the purpose of the country written in the opening of Constitution 1945 is the intellectual life of the nation can be realized by implementing it in Nawacita program.


Author(s):  
Diya Uberoi

In an effort to protect citizens’ right-to-health, the Supreme Court of India on April 8th ordered the government to make COVID-19 testing free in all private hospitals and labs. The Court’s decision in Sudhi v. Union of India marked a significant step towards ensuring that all people, especially poor workers in the informal sector have access to necessary care. Five days later, however, after facing objections from private companies and the state, the Supreme Court reversed its previous order and made testing free for only those living below the poverty line, an obligation already mandated under the National Health Policy Scheme.This commentary suggests that judicial action should be strengthened, not hampered, in times of global health crisis. While no state has unlimited resources to ensure the protection of health, the judiciary should be emboldened to hold the state to account.   


2019 ◽  
pp. 97-128
Author(s):  
Yelena Biberman

This chapter presents two little-known but highly consequential rebellions in Pakistan and India, and the state-nonstate alliances forged to combat them. In Pakistan, what led to the alliance was the local tribes’ desire to take back their land from the Taliban, and the state’s willingness to collaborate with the tribes in order to prevent the further spread of the anti-Pakistan Taliban outside the tribal areas. Islamabad was not prepared to enforce full sovereignty over the region, and so its alliance with the tribes was weak. The Naxalite insurgency enjoyed free reign over a region that remained for many decades a backwater to the Indian government. But, when the insurgency gained serious steam and private companies developed plans to exploit the area’s mineral deposits, the government stepped in. After achieving a rough balance of local power, it allied with opportunists, who formed a civilian-manned counterinsurgency outfit known as the Salwa Judum.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0920203X2096301
Author(s):  
Lotus Ruan ◽  
Jeffrey Knockel ◽  
Masashi Crete-Nishihata

When does repression of online expression lead to public punishment of citizens in China? Chinese social media is heavily censored through a system of intermediary liability in which the government relies on private companies to implement content controls. Outside of this system the Chinese authorities at times utilize public punishment to repress social media users. Under China’s regulatory environment, individuals are subject to punishment such as fines and detention for their expressions online. While censorship has become more implicit, authorities have periodically announced cases of repression to the public. To understand when the state escalates from censoring online content to punishing social media users for their online expressions and publicizes the punishment, we collected 468 cases of state repression announced by the authorities between 1 January 2014 and 1 April 2019. We find that the Chinese authorities most frequently publicize persecutions of citizens who posted online expression deemed critical of the government or those that challenged government credibility. These cases show more evidence of the state pushing the responsibility of ‘self-regulation’ further to average citizens. By making an example of individuals who post prohibited content even in semi-public social media venues, the state signals strength and its determination to maintain authority.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110186
Author(s):  
Servet Yanatma

This article examines the distribution of advertising in newspapers in Turkey and the impact of the government on the allocation, in particular, of official announcements and of advertising by partially state-owned enterprises and private companies loyal to the ruling party, as well as pressure on other commercial advertisers, during the rule of the Justice and Development Party between 2002 and 2020. It demonstrates that the government has, in the last decade, largely used the advertising sector as a “carrot and stick” tactic to control newspapers through the distribution of official announcements and advertising by state-owned enterprises. It further finds that the state has emerged in recent years as the largest advertiser financing the “captured media,” control of media ownership has proved to be not enough to ensure docile news media. Turkey has shifted to competitive authoritarianism in recent years, and this article demonstrates the selective allocation of advertising, which is a strong component of suppressing the independent media. The article uncovers the impact of government on advertising, using two data sets to show: (i) the total spend on official announcements received by each newspaper and (ii) how much advertising space in square centimeters state-owned enterprises have placed in each newspaper. Interviews with editors-in-chief of newspapers also expose the direct role of government in the distribution of advertising.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (7) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Désiré AVOM ◽  
Bernard NGUEKENG ◽  
Iréné TIAKO

The aim purpose of this paper is to assess the contribution of public policies on youth employment in Cameroon. To do this, we used the multinomial Logit model that is being followed up for our employment equation. The maximum probability method is the estimation technique used and applied to data extracted from the EISS database (2011). Three main results emerge from this study: (1) young people who wish to self-employment do not have adequate training and the technical and financial support offered to them by the government is insufficient; (2) the incentives proposed by the State to private operator to encourage them to recruit young people do not always contribute to this objective and (3) the massive recruitments carried out by the State fail to pay off all unemployed young people. In this situation, the Cameroonian state should further strengthen the professionalization of training and, above all, guide training offers in the areas that present opportunities in our country. It also needs to strengthen the facilities afforded to private companies to encourage them to recruit more young people. We also suggest that the Cameroonian government provide more technical and material support to young people who are seeking it and, on the other hand, to raise more funds for the bankable projects presented by these Last.


2018 ◽  
Vol 68 (s1) ◽  
pp. 115-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergei Guriev

I consider the application of János Kornai’s soft budget constraint (SBC) concept to the state capitalist economy. I argue that interaction of SBC with agency problems within the government bureaucracy helps explaining a major feature of state capitalism – failure to privatize underperforming state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Bureaucrats supervising the failing SOEs prefer to keep them afloat and gamble for resurrection; in contrast, privatization would involve recognizing the loss, which would result in acknowledging the bureaucrat’s failure that is disincentivized by the state. This endogenously emerging preferential treatment of state-owned firms creates a competitive advantage against private firms; this explains why in state capitalism privatization may result in lower rather than higher productivity and therefore remain unpopular.


2020 ◽  
pp. 122-136
Author(s):  
Federico Parra

Organised waste pickers in Colombia are formally recognised as subjects of special protection and as providers of the public service of recycling. As a consequence, they now receive remuneration for their work, but this was not always the case. This article highlights the strategies waste pickers used to successfully demand their rights while exploring the tensions and contradictions surrounding the formalisation of waste pickers as public service providers of recycling. These include a lack of sufficient guarantees from the government, attempts by private companies to appropriate waste pickers’ benefits, and a lack of respect by both the state and private businesses for the recognition of their rights in law. It concludes that there is an inherent tension between the main objectives of the waste pickers—to improve their working conditions and overcome poverty and vulnerability—and that of the state, which promotes free market competition in the provision of public services.


2021 ◽  
pp. 42-72
Author(s):  
Yan Vaslavskiy

The coronavirus pandemic has exposed fundamental problems in the functioning of national societies, which require intensive scientific research. COVID-19 predetermined the growing importance of political and economic approaches to the interpretation of basic principles of the functioning of future post-coronavirus reality. The societal crisis, which has been a consequence of the ineffectiveness of the state in preventing extreme threats to the life and health of citizens such as COVID-19, has actualized the “new normal” problem, which is being actively discussed by experts from international research and practical organizations. The post-coronavirus reality will begin to form after the COVID-19 pandemic and will be based on different principles. The author interprets it in the context of restoring the societal integrity of national communities under the following conditions: (1) reorientation of formal institutions at the state's disposal towards the priority of human-centred principles in order to restore public consensus, trust in the government and its policies; (2) aggregation of public choice, taking into account, first of all, the preferences and values of households (ordinary citizens), which will minimize its distortion in the future; (3) raising the state's expert functions on the example of adequate institutionalization of conditions for eliminating the negative consequences of the societal crisis. The author stresses the importance of rethinking the phenomenon of partnership between the state and private business as a means of improving the quality of the state's aggregation of public choice, assessing the effectiveness of alternative options for the institutional structure of the new reality, adjusting the functions of the state in relation to a society with universal values at its core, taking into account the realities of the post-coronavirus world. To test the obtained results, the author offers a model of an “institutional matrix” that can be used to institutionalize a mutually-beneficial partnership between the state and private business in order to minimize the uncertainty of post-coronavirus reality (“new normal”).


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (7) ◽  
pp. 41-53
Author(s):  
Oleksandr SHAROV ◽  

State, market and globalization are three concepts, the interrelation and influence of which can be traced throughout almost the entire period of their existence. It is possible that, according to some anthropologists, in primitive societies the economy was not based on market relations, but the formation of market institutions is impossible without protection from the government (state or at least quasi-state) and even more so without direct creative intervention of the state. At the same time, however, it should be borne in mind that in the context of globalization there are ongoing changes both in the essence of the state and in the tasks that it must solve. Sometimes there are allegations of erosion or extinction of the nation-state, which are not yet true. Of course, the political and economic development of society makes its adjustments, but functions such as protection from economic aggression, legislative provision of fair competition, participation in large projects that can not be carried out by private business, remain essentially unchanged, although changing in form, primarily under the influence of internationalization processes. Thus, it can be emphasized that the role of the state in the economy is not decreasing, but rather increasing due to the modernization and internationalization of its functions. What matters is not quantity but quality. But the role of the state should not be overestimated, the government and state managers should not be relied on in everything. It is necessary to clearly determine which state the country is building, and in view of this to implement appropriate economic policy with appropriate methods and tools.


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