scholarly journals AKAR-AKAR TRADISI POLITIK SUNNI DI INDONESIA

ALQALAM ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Muhammad Iqbal

The Sunni doctrine plays an important role in the government. Its accommodative characteristic is something important that makes Sunni doctrine to be a device of the legitimation of the authority. The Muslim thinkers of classical Sunni such as al-Mawardi (975-1058 M), al-Ghazali (1058-1111 M) and lbn Taimiyah(1263-1329 M) have a great role in formulating the political doctrine of Sunni. In spite of the different nuance, all of these three classical Sunni thinkers develop the moderate political doctrine of Sunni. On the one hand, it is, of course, significant in situating the harmonious relation between the ruler and community. Therefore, the social and political stabilities will be well-maintained On the other hand, such a thought for a certain extent evokes stagnancy. Because there is no radical thought which is critical and opposite against the authority, the Sunni idea is frequently made use for the instantaneous interests of power. On evenlttally, the mutual interrelationship between the Sunni ulama and the ruler often happens. While ulama feel obtaining the patronage from the authority, the ruler gains religious justification from ulama. In this context, Indonesia as the country with the majority of Sunni Muslims, as a matter of fact, applies the political doctrine of Sunni. It is because Sunni has had a long and establishei root since. the period of Islamic kingdoms in the archipelago, before Dutch-Colonial period. The archipelago ulama also formulated the harmonious relation between Islam and authority as formulated by the ulama of classical Sunni. The polotical tradition of Sunni was becoming stronger in line with the great influence of ulama in the archipelago kingdoms. This article tries to elaborate the relation between the Sunni ulama with the power of the kings in the archipelago and the patronage of the archipelago rulers toward them.

2001 ◽  
Vol 31 (123) ◽  
pp. 269-284
Author(s):  
Arne Heise

The public budget has always been a much debated object at the political level as well as in academia. This is not surprising as it mirrors the political intentions and ideologies of those running the government on the one hand and taking into account that economics is a multiparadigmatic science on the other hand. Against this backcloth, the current unambiguity of budgetary restriction in recent political and scientific debates seems curious. The paper aims at explaining this development and questions its validity by framing a concept of budgetary sustainability on the grounds of a heterodox, post Keynesian model.


Ritið ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Lára Magnúsardóttir

The article recounts the account from the Árna saga about Loftur Helgason’s trip to Bergen in 1282 and his stay there over winter, explained in terms of the formal sources about the organization of the government and changes in the law in the latter half of the 13th century. These changes were aimed at introducing into Iceland the power of both the King and the Church and in fact marked the actual changes throughout the Norwegian state. Loftur was Skálholt‘s official and the story about him was part of a long-standing dispute about the position of the chieftains versus the new power of the Church and the opposition to its introduction. The article defines the political confusion described in the Árna sagain Bergen in the winter of 1282-1283 as, on the one hand, changes in the constitution and, on the other hand, legislation, and at the same time whether the Kings Hákon Hákonarson and his son Magnús had systematically pursued a policy of having the Church be an independent party to the government of the state from 1247 onward until the death of the latter in 1280. When the disagreement is looked at as continuing, it is seen that Icelanders had made preparations for changes in the constitution with assurances of introduction of the power of the Church beginning in 1253 and the power of the King from 1262, but, on the other hand, the disagreements in both countries disappeared in the 1270s in the face of the conflict of interests that resulted from the laws that followed in the wake of the constiututional changes. Árna saga tell of this and how the disputes were described, but also that their nature changed as King Erikur came to power in 1280, as he gave the power of the King a new policy that was aimed against the power of the Church. Ousting of the archbishop from Norway and the Christian funerals of the excommunicated chieftains are examples of the conditions of government that could not have been, if the King had no longer had executive power over Christian concerns, as he had already conceded power over spiritual issues to the Pope in Rome with the Settlement at Túnsberg in 1277.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 125-136
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Liżyńska ◽  
Anna Płońska

The authoritarian ideology that guided the authorities of the communist Polish state did not remain indifferent to the emerging model of jurisprudence in petty offence cases. Eliminating the possibility of court proceedings, the location of adjudicating boards in petty offence cases at national councils, the introduction of collegial jurisprudence exercised by the social factor, giving the jurisprudence an educational character, and abandoning it in favour of severe penalties implemented for hooligan petty offences — these are just some of the features that distinguish the jurisprudence model in petty offence cases in the People’s Republic of Poland. The pursuit of the authorities to subordinate the individuals by, on the one hand, handing over the jurisprudence in petty offence cases into the hands of the people, and, on the other hand, filling the adjudication boards with members subordinate to the authority, did not bring independence in the decisions issued. It is evidenced, for example, by the excessive repressive adjudication boards judgments issued against participants of the political crisis of March 1968. The Authors present the development of the model of jurisprudence in petty offence cases in the controversial period of the communist regime.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Siswantari Siswantari

Abstrak Penelitian ini membahas tentang peranan pangreh pradja di tanah partikelir di Batavia. Pendapat para ahli selama ini lebih banyak mengungkapkan bahwa Pangreh Pradja menjalani peranan dualisme, disatu pihak kedudukannya merupakan bagian dari pemerintah Kolonial Belanda, namun dipihak lain kedudukannya merupakan bagian dari struktur kekuasaan tuan tanah. Karena itu Pangreh Pradja lebih condong untuk memperhatikan kepentingan tuan tanah. Ketika terjadi pemberontakan di tanah partekelir, Pangreh Pradja menjadi sasaran kemarahan petani, seperti kasus pemberontakan di Condet dan Tanggerang. Wilayah Batavia hampir keseluruhannya merupakan tanah partikelir, yang menarik di tanah ini bahwa tidak semuanya di tanah partikelir Batavia terjadi pemberontakan petani. Dari penelitian penulis dapat diketahui bahwa tidak semua pada tanah partikelir Batavia terjadi pemberontakan,  disebabkan lokasi tanah partikelir di Batavia dekat dengan pemerintah pusat. Karena itu masalah keamanan dan kesejahteraan penduduk didalamnya menjadi sorotan pemerintah, yang membuat  Pangreh Pradja kinerjanya sangat disorot pemerintah. Hal lainnya yang menyebabkan tidak terjadinya pemberontakan di tanah partikelir adalah: Untuk kasus tanah partikelir Kebayoran, yang diangkat menjadi kepala desa adalah ulama yang dihormati---Abstract This article discusses about the role of pangreh pradja in tanah partikelir Batavia. Most of the experts tend to exposed that Pangreh Pradja had dualism role, on the one hand his role as part of Dutch colonial, on the other hand he also had role as the landlord. That is why he tent to show his attention for the landlord.  When the revolt broke out in tanah partikelir, Pangreh Pradja became the victim of the farmer hatred, such as the revolt in Condet and Tangerang. Most of the Batavia were nearly became Tanah Partikelir, where not all the land in Batavia had occured revolution done by farmers. From this article, the writer found that not all tanah partikelir in Batavia had occured revolution. It is becaused the location of tanah partikelir Batavia was near from central government. Therefore, the security and prosperity of people became the main focus of the government, which attract government for Pangreh Pradja role. The other things which avoid revolution in tanah partikelir Batavia: for this case Tanah Partikelir Kebayoran, which was appointed as the head of village was the respected ulama. So that the revolution can be avoided.DOI : 10.5281/zenodo.556798


Edupedia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Agus Supriyadi

Character education is a vital instrument in determining the progress of a nation. Therefore the government needs to build educational institutions in order to produce good human resources that are ready to oversee and deliver the nation at a progressive level. It’s just that in reality, national education is not in line with the ideals of national education because the output is not in tune with moral values on the one hand and the potential for individuals to compete in world intellectual order on the other hand. Therefore, as a solution to these problems is the need for the applicationof character education from an early age.


Author(s):  
Christine Cheng

During the civil war, Liberia’s forestry sector rose to prominence as Charles Taylor traded timber for arms. When the war ended, the UN’s timber sanctions remained in effect, reinforced by the Forestry Development Authority’s (FDA) domestic ban on logging. As Liberians waited for UN timber sanctions to be lifted, a burgeoning domestic timber market developed. This demand was met by artisanal loggers, more commonly referred to as pit sawyers. Out of this illicit economy emerged the Nezoun Group to provide local dispute resolution between the FDA’s tax collectors and ex-combatant pit sawyers. The Nezoun Group posed a dilemma for the government. On the one hand, the regulatory efforts of the Nezoun Group helped the FDA to tax an activity that it had banned. On the other hand, the state’s inability to contain the operations of the Nezoun Group—in open contravention of Liberian laws—highlighted the government’s capacity problems.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-292
Author(s):  
Christian Krijnen

AbstractContemporary philosophy of recognition represents probably the most prominent direction that presently claims to introduce an updated version of classical German idealism into ongoing debates, including the debate on the nature of sociality. In particular, studies of Axel Honneth offer triggering contributions in Frankfurt School fashion while at the same time rejuvenating Hegel’s philosophy in terms of a philosophy of recognition. According to Honneth, this attempt at a rejuvenation also involves substantial modification of Hegelian doctrines. It is shown that Honneth underestimates the implications of Hegel’s thoughts about the theme, method and systematic form of philosophy. As a consequence, Honneth’s social philosophy is, on the one hand, in need of a plausible foundation. This leads, on the other hand, to a different construction of the social within philosophy than Honneth offers.


Author(s):  
Touré Bassamanan

This paper highlights the different layers of meaning that characterize the notion of manhood in Gaines’ fiction. The quest for manhood represents an imperative for the frustrated men in the framework of the social context wherein they are emasculated. Here, manhood should be grasped through a binary paradigm. On the one hand, the expression of manhood equates with male domination and violence. On the other hand, due to social expectations, manhood refers to the struggle for freedom. It undermines the white racial superiority and it claims blacks’ humanity. Manhood fosters humanistic principles. Thus, it takes on a universal dimension.


Author(s):  
Lia Milanesio

This article aims at analysing René Maran’s five animal novels. In these texts, Maran criticizes the colonial system not only for its cruelty to the native population, but also for its ecological violence against the bush and its non-human inhabitants. In particular, this research will be focusing on the author’s ability to abandon a human (and colonial) point of view in order to adopt an animal one. On the one hand, this new subjectivity – as well as Maran’s comprehension of indigenous naturalist society – allows the writer to condemn the colonial period from an ecocritical perspective. On the other hand, it provides evidence of the existence of culture among the beasts of his novels. Finally, this article will also prove that it is thanks to their culture that Maran’s animals will try to resist the colonial-centred environment and ideology.


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