Deleuze and the Third World

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-265
Author(s):  
Alex Taek-Gwang Lee

The purpose of this essay is to discuss Deleuze and Guattari's concept of the Third World. For Deleuze and Guattari, however, the Third World is not only a geographical term, but also one that denotes the linguistic zones, another term of the minority. The essay argues that the concept of the Third World is related to minor literature, the minor or intense use of language. This ‘transcendental exercise’ of writing is an opposition to the initial purpose of language, namely representation. Language must escape from its normative usage, and then be liberated to a new spatio-temporality, in other words, the linguistic Third World zones. My conclusion is that the creation of Third World linguistic zones is the repetition of differences against the generalisation of representation, such as becoming non-human and non-European, not in imitation of the molar form of the animal or a non-continent extending terrestrial power into the ocean, but as the right way to invent the people missing in the Third World. Inventing the people of the Third World is the right condition in which alternative political subjects can be produced through desubjectification, not domestication, by capitalist axiomatics. In this way, Deleuze's political philosophy aims to use the virtual politics of the Third World to radicalise the actual representation of the existing Left.

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
LaNada War Jack

The author reflects on her personal experience as a Native American at UC Berkeley in the 1960s as well as on her activism and important leadership roles in the 1969 Third World Liberation Front student strike, which had as its goal the creation of an interdisciplinary Third World College at the university.


2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morgan Ndlovu

While many of the peoples who exist in the ‘spatio-temporal’ construct known as the postcolonial world today are convinced that they have succeeded – through anticolonial and anti-imperial struggles – to defeat colonial domination, the majority of the people of the same part of the world have not yet reaped the freedoms which they aimed to achieve. The question that emerges out of the failure to realise the objectives of anti-colonial and anti-imperial struggles by the people of the Third World after a number of years of absence of juridical-administrative colonial and apartheid systems is to what extent did the people who sought to dethrone colonial domination understand the complexity of the colonial system? And to what end did the ability and/or inability to master the complexity of the colonial system affect the process of decolonization? Through the case study of the production and consumption of cultural villages in South Africa, this article deploys a de-colonial epistemic perspective to reveal, within the context of tourism studies, the complexity of the colonial system and why a truly decolonized postcolonial world has so far eluded the people of the developing world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Amir Farahzadi

One of the most efficient weapons of dominators, was anonymity of dominated societies to continue to rule. In recent decades, there were high trying to make the third world societies in dream and make the people understood that they are dependent to other people and other societies. In Reza Khan Era, England country was idea maker in his rule in all dimensions of the country. So, his ruling method was formed based on England thought and idea and in hid son Era, some American policies were replaced. Mohammad Reza Shah, tried to advertise about the western culture, and he founded the country constructional system, on the basis of western structure. Imam Khomeini as the leader of Islamic Republic was informed about the policies of shah along changes at the aim of American purposes, therefore, he noted that the only way to challenge with Shah is rehabilitation of Islamic culture and removing the western culture and he has tried to get the people informed about the sensitive conditions and to rehabilitate the sense of confidence and independence as the Islamic value. This research aim is to present the idea of arrogance and anti-colonialism in orientation of public thoughts against Pahlavi Government.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 57-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Traavik

In discussing the legal and political problems connected with exploitation of the inorganic resources of the continental shelf and deep seabed, the author examines the types and amount of resources available. Placing special emphasis on the interests of the developing countries, he goes on to suggest some of the probable consequences of large-scale extraction of offshore fuels and metals. Against this backdrop, the article concludes that, in the short run, the Third World countries are not likely to benefit greatly from the creation of a UN Sea-Bed Regime. In the final section of the article, some significant lines of division in UN Sea-Bed Committee are discussed.


1982 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-11

Excessive and irrational use of western drugs presents the potential for major health problems in the Third World, as surveyed in Cultural Survival's fall newsletter. Drugs and vaccines are the most frequently used remedies, with average Third World expenditures representing 40 to 60% of total health care costs. Inexpensive measures to control diarrhea, respiratory infections, diptheria, measles, and whooping cough—major causes of death for children under 5 years old—are neglected in favor of the purchase of "expensive drugs often of dubious utility for the majority of the people."


Author(s):  
Mai Taha

In Gillo Pontecorvo’s evocative film The Battle of Algiers (1966), viewers reach the conclusion that the fight against colonialism would not be fought at the UN General Assembly. Decolonization would take place through the organized resistance of colonized people. Still, the 1945 United Nations Charter and the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights provided some legal basis, albeit tenuous, for self-determination. When Third World leaders assembled in the 1955 Bandung Conference, it became clear that the UN needed to shift gears on the question of decolonization. By 1960, and through a show of Asian and African votes at the General Assembly, the Declaration for the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was adopted, effectively outlawing colonialism and affirming the right of all peoples to self-determination. Afro-Asian solidarity took a different form in the 1966 Tricontinental Conference in Havana, which founded the Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The conference gathered leftist activists and leaders from across the Third World, who would later inspire radical movements and scholarship on decolonization and anticolonial socialism. This would also influence the adoption of the 1974 Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and later lead to UNESCO’s series that starts with Mohammed Bedjaoui’s famous overture, Towards a New International Economic Order (1979; cited as Bedjaoui 1979 under the Decolonization “Moment”). This article situates this history within important international-law scholarship on decolonization. First, it introduces different approaches to decolonization and international law; namely, postcolonial, Marxist, feminist, and Indigenous approaches. Second, it highlights seminal texts on international law and the colonial encounter. Third, it focuses on scholarship that captures the spirit of the “decolonization moment” as a political and temporal rupture, but also as a continuity, addressing, fourth, decolonization and neocolonial practices. Finally, this article ends with some of the most important works on international law and settler colonialism in the 21st century.


1988 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Eliana Lourenço de Lima Reis

Partindo do conceito de "literatura menor" de Deleuze e Guattari, este trabalho procura mostrar como a literatura e a crítica são encaradas por autores pertencentes ao Terceiro Mundo e a grupos minoritários dentro dos grandes centros. Ao comparar as opiniões do martiniquense Edouard Glissant e do crítico negro americano Henry Louis Gates Jr. com as idéias de autores brasileiros contemporâneos, podemos perceber como, embora originários de culturas diversas, estes autores se aproximam em seus pontos de vista, principalmente na defesa do direito à diferença. Writers and critics of the Third World and of minority groups in developed countries, despite representing different cultures, share similar points of view, especially the affirmation of the right to one's difference. In the light of Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of "minor literature", this paper endeavors to present the ideas of the Martiniquan writer Edouard and of the Negro critic Henry Louis Gates, Jr., as well as to compare them to the opinions of some contemporary Brazilian writers and critics.


1975 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rupert Emerson

The new Asian and African states have laid much stress on human rights, but have often not lived up to them. The basic right of self-determination has been limited to colonies only. Democratic institutions have generally given way to authoritarian regimes, often run by the military, with popular participation denied rather than encouraged. The right to life, liberty, and security of person has been grossly violated in the cases of millions of refugees, temporary and permanent, in Africa and the Asian subcontinent. Many hundreds of thousands have been killed in domestic conflicts, as in Indonesia, Nigeria, and Burundi. One of the results is the emergence of a double standard: an all-out African and Asian attack upon the denial of human rights involved in colonialism and racial discrimination, but a refusal to face up to massive violations of human rights in the Third World itself.


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