scholarly journals Internal boundary and religious conflicts: the problems of national integration in post-colonial Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Ibiang O Okoi
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Internal Boundary ◽  
Secondary Source ◽  
National Integration ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Distribution Of Wealth ◽  
Religious Conflicts ◽  
The People ◽  
The Impact

We investigated Nigerian’s post-colonial resurgences of internal boundary and religious conflicts that have bedeviled the country since independence based on the problems of national integration in post-colonial Nigeria. It argued that resurgences of internal boundary and religious conflicts in the country since liberation in 1960 are crops of expansionism in the sense that colonialism, while the post-colonial state could not avert the ills of colonial rule but rather re-invented the foreign strategy of division and law. It also argues that the scuffles for control of the naturally found resources in the localities are a result of “oppression, marginalization and government influence, uneven distribution of wealth and resources, nepotism and socio-religious bigotry,” which have over the years led religious groups, communities, local governments and States to a long-drawn-out deadly boundary and religious conflicts. The objective of this research is not only aim at highlighting the impact of internal boundary and religious conflicts on the Nigerian federation but also to draw the attention of Nigerian policymakers and researchers to the “neglect” of these issues, which have pitted groups between and even within states in the country, with deadly consequences, thereby questioning the principle of national integration and its essence in Nigeria. The methodology used in this research is the secondary source that has to do with published and unpublished works on the internal boundary, religious conflicts, and national integration. The paper submits that the existence of different natural resources found within the country should not always lead to the internal boundary and religious conflicts but cooperation amongst the people.

scholarly journals Konstruksi Sosial pada Pedagang Tradisional dalam Menghadapi Era Kompetisi Perdagangan Bebas

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Beni Dwi Komara ◽  
Agus Prasetya
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Data Retrieval ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Reconstruction ◽  
Traditional Markets ◽  
The People ◽  
Social Insecurity ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Depth Interviews

Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution aspires to the Indonesian economy being managed by the state with the aim of the prosperity of the Indonesian people. But the fact is that prosperity is only enjoyed by certain people and certain groups because the economy is only controlled by those who are only a small part of the Indonesian people. The growth of super markets, modern retail stores such as IndoMart, AlfaMart in all corners of the country, both villages and cities, has displaced traditional markets and caused traditional traders to go out of business. This is a violation of the constitution and must be stopped. Traditional traders are populist economic actors in the economic system, so the state must not commit arbitrariness, such as allowing competition, unhealthy competition between traditional traders and modern retail traders. This study aims: a). Knowing the need for social construction to traditional traders, b). what is the impact of the presence of modern retailers on traditional markets, c). the response of traditional traders to the mushrooming of IndoMart and AlfaMart, d). How should the local government protect Traditional market traders. This study uses a qualitative approach, with its social paradigm of social definition. Data retrieval through in-depth interviews, observation, documentation, while data analysis uses Interactive Miles and Hubermann Models. The results of the study show that it was necessary to do "Social Reconstruction" to traditional traders. The presence of modern markets has resulted in declining sales levels, the flight of buyers from the “Sleko” market, “Besar” market, and other traditional markets. This condition creates an "economic shock" for traditional traders because they felt their territory is "robbed" by traders who have large capital. If this condition is left uncontrolled, it would create social insecurity, namely traders become unemployed, beggars, which shall trigger an increase in crime rates. Local governments must act quickly by doing "Social Trader Reconstruction Traditional". A policy that was oriented to the economy of the people to revive traditional markets and allow traditional traders to resell. Don't treat people only become social objects! Economy, politics of politicians and regional governments at certain times such as the regional elections and the presidential election

scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF ISLAM ON SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF MANDARA SULTANATE: AN OVERVIEW

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (7) ◽  
pp. 179-186
Author(s):  
Dani Mamman ◽  
S. Y. Ibrahim
Keyword(s):  
Evolutionary Theory ◽  
Secondary Source ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Insight Into

The paper attempts to explore the impact of Islam on the socio-political structure of Mandara Sultanate. It gives insight into how Islam penetrated into   the social and political structure of the Sultanate. The paper utilized mostly the secondary source of data and guided by the evolutionary theory. Among the findings are, deities and shrines played prominent role before the advent of Islam and today, festivals like Idil-Al-Fitr, Adha and Maulid-Nabiy replaced the harvest and rainfall festivals in the area. The paper concluded that Islam has impacted positively on the lives of the people in the area as Islam has become a dominant religion in the Mandara Sultanate in Borno State.

scholarly journals White Blotches on Brown Skin: A Post-colonial Critique of "The Writing on My Forehead"

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (I) ◽  
pp. 164-186
Keyword(s):  
Western Culture ◽  
Colonial Literature ◽  
Minor Characters ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Western Influence ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Impact

The formal colonial rule of Britain ended seven decades ago but the experience deeply influenced the minds of the masses and altered their lives and psyche for a long time to come. Post-colonial issues such as loss of identity, hybridity, otherness, appropriation, etc are frequently highlighted by the Anglophone writers of the sub-continent. The authors of Pakistani descent have contributed remarkably to post-colonial literature. The present research aims to analyze Nafisa Haji’s novel The Writing on My Forehead (2009) to investigate the Western influence on the minds and behaviors of the people of the subcontinent. Homi K. Bhabha's analytical lens (1994) is the primary guide for this research. Three elements of hybridity, namely mimicry, ambivalence, and unhomeliness, as proposed by Bhabha are explored. The concepts of diaspora and othering in the work under discussion are also briefly touched. This research is qualitative and descriptive in nature. The results of the detailed textual analysis indicate that various characters are hybrids of East and West. The phenomena of ambivalence and mimicry can be clearly observed in their conduct and thinking. The most important characters in this regard are Saira, Adeeba (also known as Big Nanima), and Kasim who openly mimic the Western culture. Minor characters like Adeeba’s parents and Shabana, though averse to Western culture at the surface level, are unconsciously influenced by it. The phenomena of othering, diaspora, and unhomeliness are also briefly touched. In this way, the present study sheds light on the impact of colonialism on the lives of colonial subjects and links it with the continued hegemony of the West over the Easterners. It will be helpful for students, teachers and researchers who wish to study Haji’s fiction and the impact of the phenomenon of colonialism.

scholarly journals Post-Colonial State and Bureaucracy in Bangladesh: Theoretical Understanding

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 43-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanif Miah
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Theoretical Understanding ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
State Administration ◽  
State Bureaucracy ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Personal Interests

Bureaucracy is the management apparatus of a state administration. Even in private sector, bureaucratic organization is very much essential for its smooth functioning and betterment. A legalized domination of bureaucracy only can ensure highest efficiency of an organization in a country. But the state bureaucracy of Bangladesh not developed legally from Pre-colonial period to post-colonial phase as well as an independent Bangladesh eventually. The state bureaucracy of Bangladesh is patrimonial in nature based on personal interests. The politicians and bureaucrats are interdependent in various manners for the fulfillment of their purpose illegally in Democratic Bangladesh. Simultaneously, the impact of militarism still exists in state bureaucracy of Bangladesh as it faced military rule in several times.

Post-colonial state, and its political elites And its political approach, from ((1958 - 1968))

2019 ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Fawaz Hammad Mahmoud
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
British Occupation ◽  
The People ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
Dominant Parties ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

The State of Iraq was formed in 1921 and described as a product of the British occupation state. This was in line with what was planned by the occupation government in all fields of intellectual, cultural and political. This resulted in the establishment of the "King of Iraq" of Arab origins, as well as contributed groups of tribal or economic influence to contribute to the establishment of the Iraqi state, where the Iraqi society was suffering from poverty and ignorance and disease under the Ottoman Empire, and others may see that the Iraqi state, which came under the umbrella Britain, after the First World War, may not differ in terms of dealing with the Iraqi society from the Ottoman administration, and may be a continuation of, and worse, and therefore there was concern, and fear of all steps of the government, even if it was positive, and increased military intervention through coups policy The state and its apparatus to calculate the dominant parties But it turned into a preoccupation with the minds of the people, the futility or futility of such coups, which are no more than conflicts between families, parties, and perhaps people, using the violence that the military led to express in the three coups which We gave it our attention in this study, which included, after this introduction, three investigations and a conclusion.

Historical Amnesia, or, the Logic of Capital Accumulation: Cotton Production in Colonial and Postcolonial Mozambique

1997 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 757-790 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alien Isaacman
Keyword(s):  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Structural Adjustment ◽  
Development Planning ◽  
Cotton Production ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Adjustment Program ◽  
The Impact

In this article, the very different cotton production schemes that the state introduced in colonial and post-colonial Mozambique are explored. Three distinct periods in the history of cotton production are examined. In the first, the focus is on the impact of cotton cultivation on the daily lives of peasants trapped in a highly coercive labor regime which Portugal imposed in 1938 and enforced for almost a quarter of a century. An outline of the abortive attempt of the newly independent FRELIMO government to revitalize cotton production from 1977 to 1985 as part of its broader socialist agenda to transform the countryside, is given next, and the study is concluded with a discussion of recent state efforts to promote joint cotton ventures under the guise of the IMF—World Bank structural adjustment program. An analysis of these changing cotton regimes offers a way of exploring a wide set of issues in the sustainability debate, The Mozambican cotton scheme demonstrates the extent to which state development planning often is not only about either social or ecological sustainability but also about control, power, and effectively silencing the rural poor by experts disconnected from the countryside. It is also stressed that the politics of memory is an important dimension of the sustainability debate and the broader ideological struggles which it reflects. Try as they might, neither the colonial state nor the postcolonial state could control how peasants constructed and interpreted the past. The official representations of cotton as a path to progress, whether on a capitalist or a social road, were simply dismissed by most growers who knew better.

scholarly journals The District Assembly Common Fund and Fiscal Decentralisation: What is the Impact on Local Development in Ghana?

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-21
Author(s):  
Harrison Kofi Belley
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Local Development ◽  
Rural Poverty ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Development Fund ◽  
Common Fund ◽  
The People ◽  
The Impact

Local governments have been created as agents of local development in which the people in the local areas are given greater opportunities to influence policies and programs that directly affect their well-being and thereby reducing their poverty levels. But the implementation of the policies and programmes is bedeviled with many problems. Key among them is the issue of financing the local development projects in order to reduce rural poverty. The government of Ghana attempted to reduce this problem when it introduced a development fund in1994 known as the – District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF) to encourage local governance and deepen Government’s commitment to decentralization in general and fiscal devolution in particular. The study therefore, seeks to assess the impact of District Assembly Common Fund on Local Government Development in the Adaklu District Assembly in the Volta Region of Ghana. The study mainly adopted qualitative methods of research to obtain information on the experiences of the poor people in the Adaklu communities selected as study areas. Interview guides were used to obtain information from the people in the communities, staff of the Assembly and some heads of the decentralized departments. A major finding of the study is that the assembly did not involve the rural people in the poverty reduction programmes in the district.

scholarly journals Responsiveness of rural development to budget management attributes: Evidence from Ogun State, Nigeria

2022 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Ben-Caleb Egbide ◽  
Joseph Madugba ◽  
Adegbola Otekunrin ◽  
Oladipo Adenike ◽  
Fadoju Oludare
Keyword(s):  
Rural Development ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Least Square ◽  
Budget Management ◽  
Local Council ◽  
Explanatory Variables ◽  
Ogun State ◽  
The People ◽  
Ordinary Least Square Regression ◽  
The Impact

The essence of local government as contained in the Nigerian Constitution is bringing government closer to the people and make them feel the impact of governance. This study examined the responsiveness of rural development to three of the attributes of public budgeting (effectiveness, openness, and adequacy) in selected local governments in Ogun State, Nigeria. The objective was to establish the functional association and interconnectedness between the explained and explanatory variables. Data were gathered through the administration of a five-point Likert scale questionnaire distributed to 800 respondents in 8 local governments in Ogun States, out of which 348, representing 43.5%, were retrieved and used for analysis. Both descriptive statistics and ordinary least square regression were utilized in the study. The result showed that three explanatory variables, namely budget effectiveness, budget openness, and budget adequacy, are positively related to rural development, although the impact of budget adequacy was shown to be insignificant. The implication is that the effectiveness of budget management and the openness of the budget in terms of transparency and accountability are more responsive and influential determinants of rural development than the adequacy of the budget estimates. The paper, therefore, recommended improvement in budget openness through more consultations and accessibility to budget information by the public as well as monitoring of projects and programs within the local council to engender development and add value to the rural dwellers.

Seizing the Center

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomáš Petrů
Keyword(s):  
Primary Objective ◽  
New Order ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
East Indies ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Early Modern Era ◽  
The Impact

This article intends to cast light on historical continuities between pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial organized violent crime in Indonesia and its connection to the country’s rulers. The core argument is that Indonesia and the polities which once existed in its territory have a long history of cooperation between the ruling elites and the criminal world. The early-modern era bandits, called jago, and the modern gangsters, known as preman, arguably represented an important pillar of the power of political regimes in Java from the pre-colonial Javanese kingdoms to the Netherlands East Indies’ colonial state to Soeharto’s New Order. In post-Soeharto Indonesia, political liberation combined with the impact of jihadist Islam(ism) has created conditions in which a number of leather-clad gangsters have turned into vigilante defenders of Islam, who are sometimes co-opted by influential interest groups and sometimes sent back to the political periphery after falling out of favor. While the primary objective of this paper is to analyze the issue of oscillation between incorporation, co-optation, and utilization of criminals and radical Islamic groupings by the powerful, on the one hand, and their elimination, on the other, the paper also looks into how Indonesian historiography has depicted these influential bandits/gangsters/vigilantes and how historiographical sources tend to legitimize them to create an authoritative nationalist narrative.

Order and Justice: National Minorities and the Right to Secession

1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 389-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Law ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

AbstractThe Versailles Treaty sought to protect minorities by giving them their own state. This practice, labelled 'self-determination' has changed guise considerably post World War II. Paramount to the emancipation of colonies, it came to be the concept that legitimated the 'rule of the people' over that of their colonial masters. However post-colonial 'self-determined' states are often manufactured entities forced into the strait-jacket of Westphalian statehood; and unlike the states that emanated from the Westphalian Treaty, were given no time to evolve by themselves. As a result these states often house disparate sets of minorities that go unrepresented within the Statist discourse. Further, these states have attempted to suppress their minorities through the various policies associated with nation-building. Today, with secession an increasingly attainable form of self-determination, the question arises as to whether these minorities have a right to form a separate state. The international law of self-determination suggests that this is a right of all peoples. It however leaves the parameters of this 'peoplehood' undefined. This paper seeks to examine the discourse of minority rights within that of the international right to self determination. It seeks to trace the history of minority rights protection, and to examine the way in which minority rights are protected within current international law. In addition, it examines the parameters of peoplehood and concludes by looking at two cases where disaffected minorities in a post-colonial state sought to form their own state.

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