scholarly journals Socio-political and public organizations activity peculiarities at Volyn in the Ukrainian statehood idea formation and development in 1921-1939

Eminak ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 139-149
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Kadeniuk ◽  
Vasyl Sazhko

Historical aspects of the development and formation of socio-political and public organizations in Volyn, which after the end of the World War I was under the rule of two totalitarian powers – the Soviet Union and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth I is studied in the article. The role of Ukrainian immigration in the creation of Ukrainian socio-cultural and political centers was considered, and the optimal ways of solving national problems were searched for. On the example of Volyn lands it is proved that despite the difference of social and political systems, which dominated both Western and Eastern parts of Volyn, the process of formation of the national idea represents an organic unity in all Ukrainian lands.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (19) ◽  
pp. 88-116
Author(s):  
Maria Bloshteyn

This article considers the historical, political, and cultural contexts of both Russian Soviet and Russian émigré poetry about the second world war. It outlines the reasons for and the foundations of the extraordinarily abundant outpouring of Russian Soviet poems during the war (unmatched by any other country taking part in the war), including the platforms created by the state to receive and broadcast poetry, the importance of war correspondents, and the role of propaganda. It delineates the way poets were viewed as important allies and moral compasses during the war (their poems were considered weapons), and shows how and why this was all changed after the war. It also considers the situation in the main émigré literary centres when the war broke out, and the difference in attitudes toward the Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
Mark Edele

This chapter turns to the present and explains the implications of the current study for the ongoing debate about the Soviet Union in the Second World War and in particular about the role of loyalty and disloyalty in the Soviet war effort. It argues that this study strengthens those who argue for a middle position: the majority of Soviet citizens were neither unquestioningly loyal to the Stalinist regime nor convinced resisters. The majority, instead, saw their interests as distinct from both the German and the Soviet regime. Nevertheless, ideology remains important if we want to understand why in the Soviet Union more resisted or collaborated than elsewhere in Europe and Asia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Entina ◽  
Alexander Pivovarenko

The article reflects on the issue of the foreign policy strategy of modern Russia in the Balkans region. One of the most significant aspects of this problem is the difference in views between Russia and the West. Authors show how different interpretations of the events in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s predetermined the sense of mutual suspicion and mistrust which spread to other regions such as the post-Soviet space. Exploring differences between the Russian and the Western (Euro-Atlantic) views on the current matters, authors draw attention to fundamental differences in terminology: while the Western narrative promotes more narrow geographical and political definitions (such as the Western Balkan Six), traditional Russian experts are more inclined to wider or integral definitions such as “the Balkans” and “Central and Southeast Europe”. Meanwhile none of these terms are applicable for analysis of the current trends such as the growing transit role of the Balkans region and its embedding in the European regional security architecture. Therefore, a new definition is needed to overcome the differences in vision and better understand significant recent developments in the region. Conceptualizing major foreign policy events in Central and Southeast Europe during the last three decades (the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s), authors demonstrate the significance of differences in tools and methods between the Soviet Union and the modern Russia. Permanent need for adaptation to changing political and security context led to inconsistence in Russian Balkan policy in the 1990s. Nevertheless, Russia was able to preserve an integral vision of the region and even to elaborate new transregional constructive projects, which in right political circumstances may promote stability and become beneficial for both Russia and the Euro-Atlantic community.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tareq Kakarash ◽  
Alnasir Doraid

The issue of national diversity is considered one of the most important points in studying the development of political systems in our time. Many scholars and researchers have noticed that there is rarely a people or nation in the world today that does not possess different national or ethnic diversity, some of which succeed in forcibly obliterating them, which leads to its ignition and the division of nations and states. (As happened in the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Eight State, the Empire of Austria-Hungary, etc.) and as it will happen in the future in other repressive countries, no matter how long their repression takes, and some of them succeed in preserving them through assimilation and understanding, as happened in Switzerland and a few other countries. While there are countries that have been striving for decades to arrange their national situations (such as India, Belgium and Spain), with varying degrees of success. The element of national diversity sometimes plays an active role in reforming the political system, and at other times this national diversity hinders the entire political reform. On the basis of the difference and contrast between the two models in terms of the degree of modernity and development, however, a careful examination of the two models confirms that they are not different to this degree. Only years (1998 in Britain and 2003 in Iraq) and the political conflict still exists in the two countries, leading to a final solution to this crisis.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 709-729 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin Cavoukian

Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and community organization, much as the pre-Soviet “established” diaspora in the West has done for years. However, the Russian Armenian diaspora is seen by Armenian elites as being far less threatening due to a shared “mentality.” While rejecting the mentality argument, I suggest that the relationship hinges on their shared political culture and the use of symbols inherited from the Soviet Union in the crafting of new diaspora and diaspora-management institutions. Specifically, “Friendship of the Peoples” symbolism appears to be especially salient on both sides. However, the difference between old and new diasporas may be more apparent than real. The Russian Armenian diaspora now engages in many of the same activities as the Western diaspora, including the one most troublesome to Armenia's elites: involvement in politics.


Author(s):  
James Mark ◽  
Quinn Slobodian

This chapter places Eastern Europe into a broader history of decolonization. It shows how the region’s own experience of the end of Empire after the World War I led its new states to consider their relationships with both European colonialism and those were struggling for their future liberation outside their continent. Following World War II, as Communist regimes took power in Eastern Europe, and overseas European Empires dissolved in Africa and Asia, newly powerful relationships developed. Analogies between the end of empire in Eastern Europe and the Global South, though sometimes tortured and riddled with their own blind spots, were nonetheless potent rhetorical idioms, enabling imagined solidarities and facilitating material connections in the era of the Cold War and non-alignment. After the demise of the so-called “evil empire” of the Soviet Union, analogies between the postcolonial and the postcommunist condition allowed for further novel equivalencies between these regions to develop.


Peter Kapitza (1894—1984) came to England as a member of a Soviet mission sent to renew scientific relations with the West after the upheavals of World War I, the Revolution and the Civil War. He had recently suffered the tragic loss of his wife, their two young children and his father in the epidemics that raged in the Soviet Union at that time. It was partly to distract him from his grief that he was invited to join the mission, and A. F. Joffé, who had been his chief at the Physico-Technical Institute in Petrograd, thought it would be a good thing for him to get some first-hand experience of the latest research techniques by spending the winter in a leading physics laboratory in the West. Eventually, Rutherford agreed to have him in the Cavendish and Kapitza made such an impression by his originality and experimental skill that he was encouraged to extend his stay.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 210-218
Author(s):  
Дмитрий Морозов ◽  
Dmitriy Morozov

This article describes the process of preservation and beautification of military cemeteries and memorials of World War I on the territory of Western Belarus in 1921-1939. Aspects of cooperation between state bodies and public organizations are discussed. The author relies on the legislative acts and periodicals of that period, as well as modern literature and Web-sites of specialized public organizations. The article considers the main legislative acts that manage activities for protection and arrangement of sites of memory of World War I. The questions of the relation of the different people to memory of the victims of Great World are raised; examples of particular actions for its preservation on the territory of the Western Belarus in 1921-1939 are given. The author determines the role of World War I in the history of Belarus and its heritage. The article contains information about key battles on Eastern front, and also about features of burial of soldiers of the Imperial Russian Army. The special attention is paid to joint military burials where Russian and German soldiers were buried and which are symbols of posthumous reconciliation of hostile sides. Various ways integration of sites of memory of Great War´s to modern military patriotic routes, which are urged to inform new generations about this grandiose conflict of the XX century, are considered.


2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 317
Author(s):  
Nina N. Loginova ◽  
Milan M. Radovanović ◽  
Anatoliy A. Yamashkin ◽  
Goran Vasin ◽  
Marko D. Petrović ◽  
...  

Population changes of the Russians and other Slavs are an important original indicator of demographic, economic, political, and cultural analysis of over 300 million Slavic inhabitants in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The indicators are conditioned by the large number of people executed in World War I and World War II, significant economic migrations, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia. Utilizing data from official reports, the authors proceed to analyze the demographic tendencies in order to find out the relationship between modern demographic trends and political and economic events over the past years. The results showed that economic and demographic stagnation, which favor religious and national (ethnic) ambivalence, influence the strengthening of groups ethnically isolated or religiously differentiated in the observed macroregions of Eurasia. The contemporary challenges of modern society in terms of global politics (e.g. terrorism and migrations) will be more pronounced and turbulent in these areas. For these reasons, the original data represent an important segment of the study of Slavic history, demography, and politics throughout the turbulent 20th century and the beginning of the new millennium.   


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. p22
Author(s):  
Wang Chutong

Both Britain and Japan have made reservations and continuations to the monarchy in the process of historical development, and their political systems are constitutional monarchy. The royal family of both countries has a very long history. With the historical development and social change, the monarch has become a spiritual and cultural symbol. The “sanctification” of the monarch and the strong “plot of the monarch” have been deeply rooted in social culture. From the perspective of historical development and social and cultural influence, although there are similarities between the royals of the two countries, their roles in political, economic and social stability are different from the ways in which they are exerted. Through the comparison between Britain and Japanese monarchy in the above three aspects, this paper analyzes the difference between the two countries monarchy in the size of the role, the way to implement the role and the impact, and finally compares and summarizes the role of the two countries monarchy.


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