scholarly journals The Policies, Practices, and Politics of Women Representation in Political Parties: A Case Study of Women Members of Parliament in Regency/City-level Legislative Council Period 2014-2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 151
Author(s):  
Andi Misbahul Pratiwi

<pre>Political parties play an important role as a gateway to women's representation. In political party the entire battle to win seats in parliament occurs. Therefore, the policies, practices and politics in the political party determine the face of women's representation in parliament. This study focuses on policy, practice and politics in political parties in the context of encouraging women's representation in regency/city-level legislative council in Indonesia. This research explores the strategy experience and challenges faced by women legislative members in regency/city-level legislative council for the 2014-2019 period of the four parties that passed to parliament in the 2014 elections, namely PDIP, Golkar, Gerindra and one Islamic party, PPP. Data collection was carried out through in-depth interviews, focus group discussion and document review of articles of association/bylaws (AD/ART) of political parties. The results showed that 1) AD/ART of a number of political parties has adopted a 30% quota affirmative policy for party management structures and the formation of women’s party wing organizations; 2) the practices of affirmative action policies in the process of recruitment, candidacy and political campaigns have not yet fully adopted the ideology of gender mainstreaming; knowledge, programs and decisions of political parties as well as competition between legislative candidates in competing for votes are still gender biased, thus detrimental to women’s political agenda; 3) Parliamentary women experience psychological violence and intimidation in pushing the political agenda of women in parliament - rooted in patriarchal ideology, while the women’s wing have not standing for women’s agenda.</pre>

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 578-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Janušauskienė

This article examines the role of ethnicity in the formation of political cleavage and is based on the analysis of the political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania after the re-establishment of the independent state in 1990. It analyzes the political performance of the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania (EAPL), an ethnic-based “niche” political party that tends to keep a monopoly over the representation of interests of the Polish minority in Lithuania and collects a vast majority of the votes of citizens of Polish origin. The article considers how specific in comparison to the titular nation the interests of the Polish national minority are, and how different in comparison to the political agendas of other political parties the political agenda of the EAPL is.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-83
Author(s):  
Ana Sabhana Azmy ◽  
Isnaini Anis Farhah

Abstract.This research investigates the problems of political parties in meeting the quota of women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency for the period 2014-2019. The objectives of this research are to know the importance of women’s representation and to analyze the barriers that caused difficulties for political parties to fulfill women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency for the period 2014-2019. Method that used in this research is qualitative research with documentation and interview as the data collection technique. Theories used in this research are political party theories by Larry Diamond and women's representation by Anne Phillips and Nadezhda Shvedova. The research found two findings. First,  women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency is strongly important.  Due to the presence of women in Parliament of Lebak Regency can bring women’s interests in politics. Second, the importance of women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency is not supported by a quota of women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency at which only 14%. There are three barriers that caused difficulties for political parties to fulfill women’s representation quota in Parliament of Lebak Regency for the period 2014-2019, namely political barriers, socio-economics barriers, and ideological and psychological barriers.  Abstrak. Penelitian ini membahas tentang problematika partai politik dalam memenuhi kuota keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak periode 2014-2019. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui pentingnya representasi keterwakilan perempuan dan menganalisis kendala-kendala yang menyebabkan partai politik sulit memenuhi keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak periode 2014-2019. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data yaitu studi dokumentasi dan wawancara. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori partai politik dari Larry Diamond dan teori keterwakilan perempuan dari Anne Philips dan Nadezhda Svedova. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa, pertama, representasi keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak sangat penting. Hal ini karena dengan hadirnya perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak dapat membawa kepentingan-kepentingan perempuan dalam politik. Kedua, pentingnya representasi perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak tidak didukung dengan kuota keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak yakni hanya 14%. Ada tiga kendala yang menyebabkan partai politik sulit untuk memenuhi kuota keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak periode 2014-2019 yaitu kendala politik, kendala sosio-ekonomi, serta kendala ideologis dan psikologis. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Dewi Walahe

The purpose of this study is to know the political power of women in the organization of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Gorontalo District. The research method used is quantitative method, and research type is descriptive. Data collection using questionnaires, interviews, observation and documentation. The research informant is the leader of the PKS Party of Gorontalo district. The result of the research shows that 1) the representation of women in the governance of the PKS party in Gorontalo Regency has not been able to fulfill women's representation 30% in the management of political parties according to Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. Law no. 2 Year 2011 on Political Parties. 2) There are four factors that inhibit the fulfillment of 30% of women's representation until it is not fulfilled: First, from the normative point, the Law regulating it is Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. UU no. 2 Year 2011 on political parties is not effective in the implementation process. Second, the cultural factor, patriarchal culture, where is men have a higher position than women; third, the Political Party Factor itself. The party sometimes never gives women the opportunity to occupy strategic positions in party stewardship so women are sometimes overlooked; and fourth, the factor of the woman's personal. Indonesian women are still a lot of pessimists or feel afraid of themselves.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-83
Author(s):  
Ana Sabhana Azmy ◽  
Isnaini Anis Farhah

Abstract.This research investigates the problems of political parties in meeting the quota of women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency for the period 2014-2019. The objectives of this research are to know the importance of women’s representation and to analyze the barriers that caused difficulties for political parties to fulfill women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency for the period 2014-2019. Method that used in this research is qualitative research with documentation and interview as the data collection technique. Theories used in this research are political party theories by Larry Diamond and women's representation by Anne Phillips and Nadezhda Shvedova. The research found two findings. First,  women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency is strongly important.  Due to the presence of women in Parliament of Lebak Regency can bring women’s interests in politics. Second, the importance of women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency is not supported by a quota of women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency at which only 14%. There are three barriers that caused difficulties for political parties to fulfill women’s representation quota in Parliament of Lebak Regency for the period 2014-2019, namely political barriers, socio-economics barriers, and ideological and psychological barriers.  Abstrak. Penelitian ini membahas tentang problematika partai politik dalam memenuhi kuota keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak periode 2014-2019. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui pentingnya representasi keterwakilan perempuan dan menganalisis kendala-kendala yang menyebabkan partai politik sulit memenuhi keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak periode 2014-2019. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data yaitu studi dokumentasi dan wawancara. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori partai politik dari Larry Diamond dan teori keterwakilan perempuan dari Anne Philips dan Nadezhda Svedova. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa, pertama, representasi keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak sangat penting. Hal ini karena dengan hadirnya perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak dapat membawa kepentingan-kepentingan perempuan dalam politik. Kedua, pentingnya representasi perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak tidak didukung dengan kuota keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak yakni hanya 14%. Ada tiga kendala yang menyebabkan partai politik sulit untuk memenuhi kuota keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak periode 2014-2019 yaitu kendala politik, kendala sosio-ekonomi, serta kendala ideologis dan psikologis. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
I Made Adi Widnyana

<p>The purpose of this paper is to see the extent to which the Election Law is able to address gender equality in politics and democracy and how Balinese women apply this provision as an opportunity to advance and align themselves in the political field by looking at the results of the elections in Bali. So based on that research method used is normative research that refers to the provisions of applicable regulations and is supported by sources of literature and supporting data.<br />It is known that the Election Law requires a 30% quota requirement for women's representation in the electoral process of each political party. This will be an opportunity for women to be able to align themselves and dilute the backwardness of men who used to dominate, although it is known that this cannot be said to be equal or balanced, but at least women are guaranteed their opportunity to be certain in politics through opportunities chosen rights they have.<br />Balinese women from the results of the implementation of the 2004 legislative elections to 2019 for women's representation in the Bali Provincial DPRD, were able to show a significant increase in representation, so it can be said that Balinese women from time to time are able to take advantage of opportunities and opportunities to participate in the political and democratic equalization.</p>


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Benjamin Moffitt

Abstract How does a political party become ‘mainstream’? And what makes some parties receive arguably the opposite designation – ‘pariah party’? This conceptual article examines the processes by which parties’ mainstream or pariah status must be constructed, negotiated and policed, not only by political scientists in the pursuit of case selection, but by several actors actively involved in the political process, including media actors and political parties themselves. It explains how these actors contribute to these processes of ‘mainstreaming’ and ‘pariahing’, considers their motivations and provides illustrative examples of how such processes take place. As such, the article moves beyond the literature on the ways in which mainstream parties seek to deal with or respond to threats from a variety of pariah parties, instead paying attention to how those parties have been constructed as pariahs in the first place, and how these processes simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of mainstream party identities.


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