scholarly journals Power Relations and Sexual Violence on the Campus

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Sulistyowati Irianto

<p class="p1">Sexual violence on campus is a crime against humanity that is difficult to uncover because of professors’ power relations and domination over students. Power relations also manifest at the structural level so that sexual violence is often dismissed and silenced by the administrators. The campus environment’s hierarchy of status and positions makes sexual crime cases go on for years without any accountability. On the other hand, there are efforts such as the collective action of lecturers across faculties to protect victims from the perpetrators and bring the perpetrators to justice. This study describes the author’s experience in dealing with sexual violence on campus and using a reflexive approach in addressing sexual violence in Indonesia.</p>

2015 ◽  
pp. 8-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miikka Pyykkönen

This article gives an analysis of Foucault’s studies of civil society and the various liberalist critiques of government. It follows from Foucault’s genealogical approach that “civil society” does not in itself possess any form of transcendental existence; its historical reality must be seen as the result of the productive nature of the power-knowledge-matrices. Foucault emphasizes that modern governmentality—and more specifically the procedures he names “the conduct of conduct”—is not exercised through coercive power and domination, but is dependent on the freedom and activeness of individuals and groups of society. Civil society is thus analyzed as fundamentally ambivalent: on the one hand civil society is a field where different kinds of technologies of governance meet the lives and wills of groups and individuals, but on the other hand it is a potential field of what Foucault called ‘counter-conduct’ – for both collective action and individual political action.


Slavic Review ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Koenker

Historians of the Russian labor movement have been slowly chipping away at the stereotypes about Russian workers created by generations of intellectuals quick to generalize from eye-catching impressions. The result has been the stereotyped, bipolar working class. On the one hand is the “peasant yokel” who too frequently resorts to the violent and mindless behavior indigenous to his original rural swamp. On the other hand, we find the skilled urban worker, sometimes a “half-literate intellectual,” sometimes a labor aristocrat who disdains to cooperate with his socialist mentors. Daniel Brower's look at labor violence attempts to help reshape the familiar stereotype by exploring the cultural roots of the Russian worker's predilection for violence and by showing that such behavior is less mindless and more political than its critics have accepted. By not adequately specifying the contours and especially the frequency of violence, however, he leaves us ultimately with the old image of a Pugachevshchina in the factories. Brower in effect takes the pieces of the stereotype he has chipped away and glues them back in approximately the same pattern.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Anis

Abstract               Sexual violence against children is one of the serious problems we face today, various elements, especially the government, are related to the government's efforts in implementing the Child Protection Act Number 35 of 2014. On the other hand, child victims of sexual violence are part of an immature community its development both physically and psychologically, so it requires special assistance in handling it. Sexual violence against children is an act of violence perpetrated by a community whose physical or psychological development is insufficient or immature so that it requires ongoing assistance specifically relating to its handling. The cause of the occurrence of acts of sexual violence against children is due to family factors, such as parenting that allows their children to get along freely which results in the child losing his identity, the factor of parents not equipping children with religious knowledge which consequently children don’t understand what can be done and which can’t done, the influence of the environment and many more factors that can cause acts of sexual violence in children. So that children don’t experience acts of sexual violence against children, it should be as parents should set an example to children, provide the best examples for children about how to live in accordance with our religion and culture, so that children avoid sexual violence, there must be assistance or supervision strict on children.Keywords: Child Protection, Makassar City, Sexual Violence.AbstrakKekerasan seksual terhadap anak merupakan salah satu permasalahan serius yang kita hadapi saat ini, berbagai elemen terutama pemerintah dikarenakan berkaitan dengan upaya pemerintah dalam melaksanakan Undang-Undang perlindungan anak Nomor 35 Tahun 2014. Disisi lain, anak korban kekerasan seksual merupakan bagian dari masyarakat yang belum matang perkembangannya baik secara fisik maupun psikologis, sehingga membutuhkan pendampingan khusus dalam penanganannya. Kekerasan seksual terhadap anak adalah tindak kekerasan yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat yang kurang atau belum matang perkembangan fisik maupun psikisnya sehingga membutuhkan pendampingan yang berkesinambungan terkhusus yang berhubungan dengan penanganannya. Penyebab terjadinya tindakan kekerasan seksual terhadap anak karena faktor keluarga, seperti Pola Asuh yang membiarkan anaknya bergaul dengan bebas yang berakibat anak kehilangan jati diri, faktor orang tua tidak membekali anak dengan ilmu agama yang akibatnya anak tidak memahami yang mana bisa dilakukan dan mana yang tidak bisa dilakukan, pengaruh lingkungan dan masih banyak lagi faktor yang dapat menyebabkan terjadinya tindak kekrasan seksual pada anak. Agar anak tidak mengalami tindak kekerasan seksual  pada anak, hendaknya sebagai orang tua harus memberi keteladanan kepada anak, memberikan contoh yang terbaik kepada anak tentang bagaimana pola hidup yang sesuai dengan agama dan budaya kita, agar anak terhindar dari kekerasan seksual, harus ada pendampingan atau pengawasan yang ketat terhadap anak.Kata Kunci : Kekerasan Seksual, Kota Makassar, Perlindungan Anak.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-119
Author(s):  
Alireza Khormaee ◽  
Rayeheh Sattarinezhad

Different representations of social actions create distinct types of discourses. Applying van Leeuwen’s 'Social Actions' framework (2008), the present study critically analyzes the power relations between the main characters of Radi’s dramas From behind the Windows and Hamlet with Season Salad. The objective of our study is to account for the differences between the discourse of the dominant and the discourse of the dominated. In order to elucidate such differences we count and analyze the characters’ social (re)actions and, in turn, identify four types of contrasts: cognitive vs. affective and perceptive reactions; material vs. semiotic actions; transactive vs. non-transactive actions; interactive vs. instrumental actions. Two opposing discourses emerge from these contrasts. On the one hand, the dominant characters mostly react cognitively and their actions are often semiotic, transactive, and interactive. On the other hand, the dominated characters’ reactions are often affective and perceptive, while most of their actions are material, non-transactive, and instrumental. As the results show, the author’s linguistic choices underscore the power relations between the dominant and the dominated characters. Building upon the fact that our analysis sheds light on the underlying ideologies and intentions of the author, we tentatively conclude that despite its being predominantly employed in the analysis of political discourses, van Leeuwen’s framework also proves effective in the critical analysis of literary works.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-430
Author(s):  
Francesco Bagnardi ◽  
Valentina Petrović

In this article we examine the episode of labour discontent that occurred at the Fiat-Chrysler assembly plant in Kragujevac, Serbia, in the summer of 2017. The article traces the process through which the two main trade unions organised and channelled labour unrest at the plant level. Drawing on Offe and Wiesenthal’s conceptualisation of workers’ collective action dilemma, the case highlights the trade-off between on the one hand the need for institutional legitimation and on the other hand responsiveness to workers’ demands. We attempt to show that unions still have space in which to represent workers’ interests effectively when disputes emerge, regardless of unfavourable structural constraints and legacies. The article shows that not even traditionally non-conflictual and legacy unions can be fully sheltered from democratic pressures from workers and competitor organisations. Therefore, the ability to mediate between democratic and bureaucratic logics of action and legitimation remains crucial for any union and determines unions’ ability to represent effectively the interests of labour. Dans cet article, les auteurs examinent l’épisode de mécontentement des travailleurs qui s’est produit à l’usine d’assemblage Fiat-Chrysler à Kragujevac, en Serbie, à l’été 2017. L’article retrace le processus par lequel les deux principaux syndicats ont organisé et canalisé les conflits de travail au niveau de l’usine. En se fondant sur la conceptualisation développée par Offe et Wiesenthal du choix de l’action collective des travailleurs, ce cas met en évidence le compromis entre, d’une part, le besoin de légitimation institutionnelle et, d’autre part, la capacité à répondre aux demandes des travailleurs. Les auteurs tentent de montrer que les syndicats disposent encore de l’espace nécessaire pour représenter efficacement les intérêts des travailleurs lorsque des conflits surgissent, indépendamment des contraintes structurelles et de l’héritage défavorables qui leur ont été laissés. Cet article montre que même les syndicats traditionnellement non conflictuels et ceux issus du passé ne peuvent pas être totalement à l’abri des pressions démocratiques des travailleurs et des organisations concurrentes. Par conséquent, la capacité de médiation entre les logiques démocratiques et bureaucratiques de l’action et de la légitimation demeure primordiale pour tout syndicat et détermine la capacité des syndicats à représenter efficacement les intérêts des travailleurs. Im vorliegenden Artikel untersuchen wir die Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der Belegschaft und der Unternehmensleitung im Fiat-Chrysler-Montagewerk in Kragujevac, Serbien im Sommer 2017. Der Artikel zeichnet nach, wie die beiden großen betrieblich vertretenen Gewerkschaften die Unzufriedenheit der Arbeitnehmer auf der Werksebene kanalisiert und organisiert haben. Unter Bezugnahme auf Offes und Wiesenthals Konzeptualisierung des Dilemmas des kollektiven Handelns von Arbeitnehmern ist dieser Fall symptomatisch für den Zielkonflikt zwischen der Notwendigkeit institutioneller Legitimation einerseits und dem Reaktionsvermögen auf Forderungen von Arbeitnehmern andererseits. Wir versuchen nachzuweisen, dass Gewerkschaften nach wie vor Handlungsspielräume haben, um in Konfliktfällen Arbeitnehmerinteressen ungeachtet struktureller Einschränkungen und Altlasten effektiv zu vertreten. Der Artikel zeigt, dass nicht einmal traditionell konsensorientierte Gewerkschaften und Rechtsnachfolger der früheren sozialistischen Gewerkschaften umfassend vor demokratisch legitimiertem Druck von Arbeitnehmern und Mitbewerberorganisationen geschützt werden können. Die Fähigkeit, zwischen demokratischer und bürokratischer Handlungslogik und Legitimation vermitteln zu können, ist deshalb für alle Gewerkschaften von entscheidender Bedeutung und bestimmt ihre Fähigkeit, die Interessen von Arbeitnehmern wirksam zu vertreten.


2009 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Béjar

RESUMEN: El principal argumento de este escrito es que la heterogeneidad de los diseños institucionales que prima en el campo electoral en América Latina (Carroll y Shugart, 2005) también se reproduce en el parlamentario. El perfil morfológico del sistema de comisiones propio de cada Congreso y el lugar que la ley les asigna en el proceso legislativo son prueba evidente de ello. Mientras el marco normativo de algunas legislaturas no deja lugar a dudas en cuanto a la intención de delegar en los partidos las decisiones encomendadas a estos cuerpos; en otros casos, ello ocurre en menor medida. En los casos formalmente ceñidos a una lógica de partido, por otra parte, se alientan esquemas de delegación de corte muy diverso. En este escrito se revisa el acomodo institucional del sistema de comisiones de la Cámara Baja en: Argentina; Bolivia; Brasil; Colombia; Chile; México; Paraguay; República Dominicana y Uruguay. En este sentido, el estudio examina tanto la importancia concedida a su trabajo, como algunos aspectos de su morfología que afectan la estructura de incentivos que acota el desarrollo del proceso legislativo. Asimismo, se analizan los procedimientos utilizados en cada Congreso para enfrentar los problemas de acción colectiva. Por último, se presentan algunas ideas para la elaboración de una futura taxonomía sobre la relación que guardan en la región los partidos y las comisiones permanentes del Congreso.ABSTRACT: The main argument of this paper is that the heterogeneity of the institutional framework that prevails in Latin America’s electoral field (Carroll y Shugart, 2005), also reproduces itself in the parliamentary one. This is proved by the morphologic profile of each Congress’ commission system and the place that the law assigns to the system. While some legislative frameworks clearly intend to delegate to parties the decisions entrusted to this bodies; in other cases, this takes place in a less important way. In the cases formally related with a party logic, on the other hand, diverse delegation schemes are encouraged. In this article we analyze the institutional framework of the commission systems of the low chamber in: Argentina; Bolivia; Brazil; Colombia; Chile; Mexico; Paraguay; Dominican Republic and Uruguay. In this sense, this work examines the importance given to their job and some aspects of its morphology that affect the structure of incentives that narrows the development of the legislative process. We also analyze the procedures used by each Congress to solve its problems of collective action. Lastly, some ideas for the elaboration of a future taxonomy on the relationship between parties and permanent commissions in the region are presented.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (46) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Fernando Gimbo

Trata-se de mostrar como a ideia de “cuidado de si” deve ser compreendida a partir de um tensionamento caracterizado por um duplo movimento: por um lado, a afirmação da autoafecção como condição do processo de subjetivação; por outro lado, a necessidade de inscrever tal ipseidade no quadro mais amplo das pesquisas genealógicas centradas nas práticas de assujeitamento e dominação. Com isso, o objetivo é sugerir como o problema fundamental do último e inconcluso momento da obra de Foucault é a necessidade de repensar as condições de gênese do sujeito. Para tanto, o artigo é divido em dois momentos: primeiramente, recuperamos uma autocrítica realizada ao final da década de 70, quando, ao introduzir em suas análises o conceito de governamentalidade, Foucault une a temática do governo sobre os outros ao problema do governo de si. Em segundo lugar, analisar estrategicamente o tema da confissão (l’aveu) como exemplo do reconhecimento dessa dimensão autoafectiva da subjetividade dentro de relações de poder e assujeitamento. A partir disso, é possível assinalar certas consequências críticas em torno de uma certa “ética do cuidado de si” que seria própria ao pensamento foucaultiano. [This article aims to show how the idea of “care of the self" must be understood from the tension of a double movement: on the one hand, the affirmation of an auto-affection as a condition to a process of individuation. On the other hand, the need to incorporate such ipseity to the broader framework of genealogical research focused on the subjugation and domination practices. Thus, my goal is to suggest how the initial problem that runs through Foucault’s later works is the need to rethink the conditions of subjectivity genesis. Therefore, the article is divided into two parts: firstly, I recover Foucault’s self-criticism performed at the end of the 70s, when he introduces in his analysis the concept of governmentality. Secondly, I strategically analyze the theme of confession (l'aveu) as an example of recognizing this auto-affectivity dimension of subjectivity even within power relations. Finally, I point out certain possible consequences of such exposure on the theme of ethics in Foucault's thought.]


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 547-564
Author(s):  
László Heka

The Code of Vinodol, the oldest Slavic code, was compiled in 1288. It can be classified as one of the important cornerstone in European medieval law. According to this particular code, the legal processes were accusatorial, oral and public. During the evidentiary process oath, mainly by the side of the accuser, was required. The accused party on the other hand could used oath in case of sexual violence. Later the oath of compurgators played an important role in the process. The number of compurgators ranged from 5 to 49 based on the seriousness of the crime. In case of sexual violence, compurgators swore to the innocence of the accused party. In absence of compurgators, the accused had to take as many oaths as many compurgators were lacking. It is presumed that the institution of jury and the institutionalization of testimony and documentary evidence are the result of the development of medieval litigation and oaths. This study compares the evidence process of Code of Vinodol with other Slavic processes, with special regard to the role of oaths and compurgators.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (Spec. Iss.) ◽  
pp. 103-127
Author(s):  
Ana Bogdan Zupančič

The article defines radicalisation as part of the processes of modern liberation, which are recognised in the interlacement of emancipatory potential in social pedagogy and mobilisation in the theory of community development. In parallel to this, we problematise the internally divided socio-pedagogical attitude, which, on the one hand, seeks to liberate, and on the other hand, is repeatedly caught in the preservation of existing “oppressive” power relations. In doing so, we consider the concerns regarding political action as the goal of “radicalising” social pedagogy, which indicate that in social pedagogy we have internalized collaboration as a democratic “norm” of solving social and other societal issues and thus accepted it as the only formally realistic option to achieve structural change.


In the paper, the national and women’s contexts closely interrelated in W. S. Maugham’s “The Unconquered” short story (1943) are being examined. While analysing the ground of the conquest and resistance, it is concluded that war conquering and sexual violence are aimed to establish the men’s power over certain part of the world. In some ways, capturing a woman and occupying the land are considered equal things under the patriarchal rules. With this in mind, any male conqueror tries to reach both of them not only for the sake of victory, but also for approval his status of a worthy member of a men-ruling society (a nation). Next, the role of stereotypes as an engine of all negative phenomena of national and gender non-understanding, in particular, war and various kinds of inequality, is stressed. Tracing the complex relationship between, on the one hand, Frenchmen and Germans, and women and men, on the other hand, it should be token that the final infanticide is multivalued whereas it means the woman’s liberation and revenge for the men’s world, as well as is an apogee of national resistance.


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