«Sentenced to Belarusization»: Smolensk Belarusians in the 1920s (to the Question of Their Number)

Author(s):  
Olga Kobets

In 1921, based on decisions of the 10th Congress of the RCP(b), the country would begin to implement a national policy that received the common name –korenization (nativization). In Belarus and in the Russian regions bor-dering the republic, it would be called belarusization. The active phase of this policy would continue until the end of the 1920s. For residents of the BSSR, it would mean the development of Belarusian culture (schools, universities in the Belarusian language, Belarusian literature, the publication of Belarusian books, etc.), the nomination of Belarusians for the party, Soviet, professional and pub-lic work, the transfer of party and stateapparatus and parts of the Red Army to the Belarusian language.During the first half of the 1920s, the young Belarusian republic would significantly grow in the former territories of Russia. As a result of these trans-formations, a large number of border territories appeared between the RSFSR and the BSSR, where, at different periods, the population included both Russian and Belarusian. It is Russian-Belarusian and Belarusian-Russian society that would have difficulties in adaptation to the official Belarusian state policy initi-ated by Moscow and declared by Minsk. Due to its historical development, Smolensk Governorate was just one of those Russian territories that, like the Belarusian border counties, were «sen-tenced» to the policy of belarusization throughout the 1920s.Not all of the Belarusian population of the governorate enthusiastically joined in the implementation of this policy. However, before talking about whether it was necessary and needed for the Belarusians living in Smolensk Governorate, oneshould first decide on the question, what was the size of this Belarusian «interlayer» of the population lived in the Smolensk region, and how many Smolensk Belarusians should be affected by belarusization.

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 700-706
Author(s):  
Alexander Valentinovich Martynenko ◽  
Olga Viktorovna Orlova

The article analyzes the features of public perception of foreign labor migration in modern Russia, identified in the course of a sociological survey conducted by the authors of the article in the Republic of Mari El and the Republic of Mordovia. As a phenomenon of a global order, migration processes have their own specifics in different regions of the world. Thus, the migration situation in the countries of Western Europe, characterized by the so-called “crisis of multiculturalism”, has become widely known. The situation is fundamentally different in Russia, where the main source of labor migration is the states that were previously part of the USSR as union republics. In the presence of manifestations of migrant-phobia (latent or open) in most Russian regions, the migration situation for our country still does not have such a critical and acute character. To a large extent, its features can be traced to the example of individual subjects of the Russian Federation. In September - October 2020, the authors of this article conducted a survey of the population in the Republic of Mari El and the Republic of Mordovia. This survey was conducted within the framework of the Program of Fundamental and Applied Research on the topic “Ethnocultural Diversity of Russian Society and Strengthening the All-Russian Identity” (2020-2022). The survey showed that a significant part of the respondents view migrants as a threat to the economic security of the regions under consideration. The most effective management measures to prevent ethnopolitical and interethnic conflicts associated with migration are support for ethnic and cultural associations, interdepartmental and inter-level coordination in the implementation of state national policy, including the prevention of extremism and early warning of conflicts, as well as constant monitoring of the ethnopolitical sphere and interethnic relationships.


Pomorstvo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-155
Author(s):  
Antonija Mišura ◽  
Renato Oblak ◽  
Filip Bojić ◽  
Sonja Vizjak

The maritime domain is the common domain of special interest, so it has special protection of the state and certain rules of use. One of the models of the maritime domains management in the territory of the Republic of Croatia is the concessioning system, and it is based on various legislation and by-laws that determine the type of concessions, the method of determining the concession fee and the methods and criteria for awarding the concession. The concessions’ management is primarily related to the economic use of maritime domains. The aim of this article is to carry out a comparative analysis of the concessioning model of maritime domains in the territory of the Republic of Croatia and the European Union with a focus on the seaports. For the purpose of economic use, today’s models of the maritime domains’ concessioning in the territory of the European Union are not unambiguous, as they depend on the tradition and historical development of the system even though they are subject to constant changes. The carried out research points to the need of developing the system in the Republic of Croatia with the obligation to harmonising legislation, strengthening criteria within the system and increasing the degree of openness of the market in accordance with the European acquis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 66-76
Author(s):  
M M Shakhbanova ◽  
M K Nagieva

The problem of rehabilitation of repressed peoples became topical in the post-Soviet period on the back of cardinal social, economic and political transformations of the Russian society. In the post-Soviet Dagestan, the proclamation of the principles of openness, democracy and perestroika in the 1990s sharply revealed interethnic problems. The Law “On Rehabilitation of Repressed Peoples” (1991) was aimed at solving the most difficult problem in the national policy of the Soviet state, when people were repressed on the basis of evidence-free accusations. Among them there were the Akki Chechens, who lived in Dagestan and along with the entire population of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR were forcibly evicted from their historical places of residence to the republics of Central Asia. Despite the fact that in 1957 the Akki Chechens were rehabilitated, the issues of their socio-economic and territorial rehabilitation remained unsolved, and this fact worsened the interethnic climate in the republic. It should be noted that the adoption of the above-mentioned act of law also contributed to the deterioration of the nature of interethnic interaction in places of residence of the repressed Akki Chechens and the Avars and Laks who were forcibly resettled to this territory in 1944. Consequently, it is important to study the historical aspect of this issue, therefore, in the framework of this article, basing on archival materials, the authors analyze resettlement, number and role of the Akki Chechens in the political, administrative and territorial structure of the republic, as well as the formation of the Aukhovsky District on the eve of their repression.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-709
Author(s):  
Denis Arkadievich Chernienko

The article presents preliminary results of a sociological survey on the subject " Ethnic factor in socio-political life of Russian regions: from ethnopolitical mobilization to civil integration (the Republics of Bashkortostan, Mari El, Mordovia, Udmurtia, Chuvashia)". This issue is an integral part of the Federal program of fundamental and applied scientific research on "Ethnocultural diversity of Russian society and strengthening of national identity" for the period 2020-2022. The survey was aimed at finding out the opinion of citizens on topical issues and problems of modern national policy at the level of a particular region concerning the all-Russian population census, peculiarities of different identities, interethnic relations in the country and the Republic, participation of citizens in ethnopolitical processes, migration and the acceptance of migrants by the local population. According to the preliminary results, active and motivated participation of citizens in the upcoming 2021 census is expected; positive trends are noted in the process of forming a political civil nation; the population's confidence in maintaining stability and non-conflict in the sphere of multinational relations in Udmurtia is recorded; the population recognizes the important role of national and cultural organizations; at the same time, there are concerns related to the possible mass arrival of foreigners to the region. The results of the study will be used to develop practical recommendations to various levels of government, public organizations, and discuss important socio-political issues in the development of civil society institutions.


Author(s):  
Konstantina Zanou

Transnational Patriotism in the Mediterranean, 1800–1850: Stammering the Nation investigates the long process of transition from a world of empires to a world of nation-states by narrating the biographies of a group of people who were born within empires but came of age surrounded by the emerging vocabulary of nationalism, much of which they themselves created. It is the story of a generation of intellectuals and political thinkers from the Ionian Islands who experienced the collapse of the Republic of Venice and the dissolution of the common cultural and political space of the Adriatic, and who contributed to the creation of Italian and Greek nationalisms. By uncovering this forgotten intellectual universe, Transnational Patriotism in the Mediterranean retrieves a world characterized by multiple cultural, intellectual, and political affiliations that have since been buried by the conventional narrative of the formation of nation-states. The book rethinks the origins of Italian and Greek nationalisms and states, highlighting the intellectual connection between the Italian peninsula, Greece, and Russia, and re-establishing the lost link between the changing geopolitical contexts of western Europe, the Mediterranean, and the Balkans in the Age of Revolutions. It re-inscribes important intellectuals and political figures, considered ‘national fathers’ of Italy and Greece (such as Ugo Foscolo, Dionysios Solomos, Ioannis Kapodistrias, and Niccolò Tommaseo), into their regional and multicultural context, and shows how nations emerged from an intermingling, rather than a clash, of ideas concerning empire and liberalism, Enlightenment and religion, revolution and conservatism, and East and West.


1973 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 50-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fergus Millar

More than thirty years after its publication The Roman Revolution still stands unrivalled, not as the ‘definitive’ account of the emergence of a monarch from the ruins of the Republic but as something far more than that, the demonstration of a new method in the presentation of historical change. The aspect of this method, which has found most imitation, is of course prosopography; and it is indeed essential to it. But far more important is the use made of contemporary literature to mirror events, and to analyse and define the concepts and the terms in which the events were seen by those who lived through them.It is the common characteristic, perhaps even the definition, of great works of history that they invite imitation and offer a challenge, not just to apply their methods and standards to other areas, but to pursue their own conclusions further. The present paper is gratefully offered as an attempt to portray with a different emphasis some aspects of the establishment of Octavian as a monarch, first by demonstrating the extent to which the institutions of the res publica remained active in the Triumviral period, and secondly by redefining the change which culminated in 27 B.C., precisely by asking again in what terms it and the novus status which emerged from it were seen by contemporaries.


Mammalia ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 70 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Brugière ◽  
Bakary Magassouba ◽  
Amidou Sylla ◽  
Halimou Diallo ◽  
Mamadou Sow

AbstractThe Republic of Guinea is thought to contain the largest population of common hippopotamus in West Africa. However, no systematic field survey has been carried out recently and the information available is limited to informal observations. To clarify the status of the common hippopotamus in Guinea, we carried out a biannual population survey along the section of the Niger River (the largest river in Guinea) within the Haut Niger National Park. We counted 93 hippopotamuses in 28 groups in the dry season and 77 hippopotamuses in 23 groups in the wet season. Mean group size and number of neonates did not change between the seasons. Hippopotomuses were more numerous along the river sections bordering uncultivated floodplains. This underlines the significance of this habitat (which is used as a grazing area) for conservation of this species. Haut Niger National Park is the most important protected area in Guinea for conservation of the common hippopotamus. Hippopotamus-human and -cattle conflicts in terms of floodplain use in the park's buffer zone should be closely monitored. Floodplain conversion to rice fields represents one of the most important threats to the long-term conservation of hippopotamus populations in Guinea.


1984 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara B. Crane

The governments of the five major Western powers—the United States, the United Kingdom, France, West Germany, and Japan—coordinated policy on two key North-South issues from 1974 to 1979: relieving the external debts of developing nations and establishing the Common Fund to help finance international commodity agreements. A prominent feature of the coordination process was the emergence of transgovernmental coalitions among like-minded bureaucrats. Previous studies have suggested that such coalitions may affect national policies by promoting learning and attitude change in their members and by legitimizing the policy changes sought by their members. But these suggestions do not account for the ability of coalitions to translate their policy preferences into national policy commitments, particularly where one or more of their members are relatively weak in their national policy-making systems. On the Common Fund and debt relief, some coalition members held positions in their national systems strong enough to induce their governments as a whole to commit themselves to certain concessions. Weaker members of these coalitions then gained the external support they needed to lead their own governments to make similar commitments, thus preparing the way for agreements with the developing countries and some incremental changes in the international economic order.


2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERIK JAN ZÜRCHER

The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923. In the first 20 years of its existence, the political leadership of the republic embarked on a process of nation building in Anatolia and at the same time changed the face of Turkish society, stamping on it a particular brand of secular modernity. This article tries to find out what were the common characteristics of the small band of men who made up the leadership of the republic and to what extent their shared background and experience can help explain the course they charted for Turkey after its creation. One of the conclusions is that Turkey, although located geographically for more than 90% in Asia, is in fact a creation of Europeans, who shaped the country after their own image.


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