scholarly journals SUNSHINE POLICY : KEBUNTUAN CONFIDENCE BUILDING MEASURES SEMENANJUNG KOREA PADA MASA KIM DAEJUNG- ROH MOOHYUN

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bayu Eko Yulianto

This paper describes the ineffectiveness of South Korea�s confidence-building measures towards North Korea during the reign of Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun through the sunshine policy. The previous studies on the sunshine policy only discussed the efforts made by the South Korean government through the sunshine policy and America's influence on the implementation in general. The studies are divided into three major categories namely: domestic politics, political economy, and regional studies, but none has discussed the causes of the ineffectiveness of the sunshine policy. By using confidence-building measures as an analytical framework, this paper will explain the variables in confidence-building measures that cause sunshine policies to be ineffective. The main argument of this paper is that there are 2 factors that cause the sunshine policy to be ineffective, namely the influence of America and the absence of political will from North Korea to achieve the goal of confidence-building measures through sunshine policy.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-141
Author(s):  
Eryolanda Putri Nabila

China Fine Dust issue has emerged in 2013 and increase in 2014 so that South Korea suffered from the impact. Meanwhile, China as a contributor of the haze refuses to take responsibility for tackling this issue, so that South Korea must securitize. This study aims to describe the process of securitization of China Fine Dust issue carried out by South Korea to China by using the concept of securitization by Barry Buzan as an analytical framework. The research method used is a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. The data used in this research was collected through literature study. The securitization process carried out by the South Korean Government against China began with South Korea carrying out a scientific agenda to identify a threat with China's initial involvement of 48%. Then political agenda, which are three points; influencing the public to gain support, forming a domestic emergency policy, holding a bilateral meeting to convince China to work together because domestic actions are not enough yet. The continuation of political management shows that the agenda of securitization carried out by South Korea made China accept the issue as a threat and agreed to cooperate in tackling the haze issue by releasing several projects.


Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 584-606 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusin Lee

This paper analyzes the potential risks of the Russia-North Korea-South Korea (RNS) gas pipeline, comparing it with the Russia-Ukraine-Europe (RUE) pipeline. I argue that the possibility of disputes is much higher in the RNS case. Furthermore, I propose that the South Korean government opt to import liquefied natural gas by ship directly from Russia if contingency plans in the case of gas supply disruptions in the RNS pipeline are not available.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 219
Author(s):  
Impiani Impiani

This paper describes the military conflict escalation between India and Pakistan in the period after 1999 Lahore Declaration. After several major wars, military conflicts between the two countries continued to this day. Previous studies on the India-Pakistan conflict only discussed the causes of this conflict and efforts to resolve conflicts. The studies are divided into three major perspectives, namely; security, domestic politics, and political economy, but none has explained how this military conflict is relatively lasting. Using security dilemma as an analytical framework, this paper will explain the variables of the security dilemma that have contributed to the escalating tensions between India and Pakistan. The security dilemma creates a circumstance where offensive action preferable by both states rather than defensive efforts. The main argument of this paper s that India and Pakistan see each other's behavior -such as the development of military defense capability, nuclear weaponry development, and alliance trends- as threats so that they are always remains in the security dilemma situation.


Studia Humana ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 62-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Levi

Abstract This paper aims to explain the adaptation of North Korean elite defectors who fled from North Korea. Data used for the purpose of this article came from surveys of North Korean defectors conducted in the late 2000’s. Findings of the realized research indicate that the majority of senior defectors are experiencing less psychological and material issues when adjusting to society than regular North Korean defectors. The paper will proceed in three steps: explaining the notion of defectors, outlining their background, and focusing on their adaptation in South. Although defectors as a whole has emerged as of the most research group as a minority in South Korea, the so-called senior defectors have hardly been spotlighted. Basically North Korean senior defectors are supposed to strengthen the anti-Kim movement and legitimize the power of the South Korean government and the image of South Korea abroad. What has to be enlightened upon is the fact that North Korean senior defectors partially disagree with the integration policy of South Korean authorities. A major research question emerges: How are the experience of elite defectors localized in South Korea? How do their specific identities impact their opinion within the South Korean society? The aim of the article is also to categorize senior defectors and to provide in a single document a list of senior North Korea defectors based abroad. This kind of information is only available for Korean speaking readers. I wanted to make it accessible to the Englishspeaking community.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joon-heon Song

Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore the essential cause for the policy failure of Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) in South Korea. Design/methodology/approach To substantiate the claims made for the failure of the policy, this paper focuses on the differences in policy preferences among the government ministries and agencies involved in TAA. Findings The failure in the TAA policy, according to this study, was attributed to the conflicts and miscoordination arising from the differences in policy preferences among government ministries and agencies. To rectify this failure, the South Korean government had to revise its laws and regulations several times over a short period. Originality/value Drawing on the analytical framework of the literature on policy failure, this paper examines the causal relationships between outcomes of TAA policy and the conflicts or miscoordination among government bodies at each stage: initiatives and planning, implementation and operation of the policy.


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This chapter looks at South Korea’s response to the US ‘pivot’. It takes stock of the post-war division of the peninsula and its consequences for the international alignment of both North and South. It considers how the ‘economic miracle’ in South Korea led to growing competition with Japan and greater synergies with China. It looks at the degree to which North Korea threatens stability in the region, and to what extent its demonisation justifies a major US presence in close proximity to China. The chapter discusses whether resurgent China is seen as a threat to South Korean interests or chiefly viewed through the prism of mutual economic benefit; and contrasts alleged concerns about China with those provoked by Japan. It concludes that while South Korea has continued to step up its military collaboration with the US, it has not become a cheerleader for pushing back against China and has not signed up to a US strategy to contain China.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-457
Author(s):  
Jinhee Park

Abstract This article examines autobiographic documentaries about families that expose “dissensus” in the mapping of transborder migration and diasporic desire that were the results of the Cold War in North Korea, South Korea, and Japan. Jae-hee Hong (dir. My Father’s Emails) and Yong-hi Yang (dir. Dear Pyongyang and Goodbye Pyongyang) document the ongoing Cold War in their fathers’ histories through their position as a “familial other,” who embodies both dissensus and intimacy. Hong reveals that anticommunism in South Korean postwar nation building reverberated in the private realm. Yang documents her Zainichi father, who sent his sons to North Korea during the Repatriation Campaign in Japan. The anticommunist father in South Korea (Hong’s) and the communist father in Japan (Yang’s) engendered family migration with contrasting motivations, departure from and return to North Korea, respectively. Juxtaposing these two opposite ideologies in family histories, as well as juxtaposing the filmmakers’ dissonance with the given ideologies in domestic space, provide the aesthetic form for “dissensus.” The politics of aesthetics in domestic ethnography manifests in that the self and the Other are inextricably interlocked because of the reciprocity of the filmmaker and the communist or anticommunist subject.


1999 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Ki Su Kim

In the 1998 academic year, 84 percent of South Korea's high school "leavers" entered a university or college while almost all children went up to high schools. This is to say, South Korea is now moving into a new age of universal higher education. Even so, competition for university entrance remains intense. What is here interesting is South Koreans' unusually high demand for education. In this article, I criticize the existing cultural and socio-economic interpretations of the phenomenon. Instead, I explore a new interpretation by critically referring to the recent political economy debate on South Korea's state-society/market relationship. In my interpretation, the unusually high demand for education is largely due to the powerful South Korean state's losing flexibility in the management of its "developmental" policies. For this, I blame the traditional "personalist ethic" which still prevails as the


Significance This followed Pyongyang’s breach of its 17-month moratorium on missile testing with two volleys on May 4 and May 9, each personally supervised by Kim and both including short-range ballistic missile launches. Impacts Kim has given Washington until the end of the year to rethink its stance; that is possible but unlikely. Pyongyang’s new missile may be able to penetrate South Korean missile defences. South Korea will persevere with cooperation efforts for now, despite Pyongyang’s rebuffs.


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