scholarly journals Religious symbol on determining the beginning and end of Ramadan in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ridwan Ridwan ◽  
Muhammad Fuad Zain

The fasting and Eid al-Fitr celebration has a strong public dimension for their traditional characteristics in Islamic communal celebrations. This study used field research from interviews with the two largest mass organisations in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, and the statements of mass media. This research shows that contestation of religious symbols is not something that needs to be debated but it should broaden the understanding of the differences that must be respected in order to build brotherhood not, division. Contestation of religious symbols between the hisab [astronomical calculations] and the ru’yat[sighting a new crescent moon] is a competition between religious organisations, to strengthen their position, social legitimacy and religious authority in the public sphere. The government has to take the initiative to compromise the policy between the two Islamic organisations to reach a methodological agreement in order to minimise social tensions.Contribution: This article proposed that understanding the ru’yat and hisab as a symbol of contestation becomes an attribute of religious organisations and part of organisational behaviour and culture.

CosmoGov ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 232
Author(s):  
Jannus Timbo Halomoan Siahaan

The public sphere popularized by Jurgen Habermas is the result of a review of the reality of 18th century European society. In his work, Habermas mentions that capitalism at that time succeeded in liberating European society from its dependence on the influence of feudalism imposed by the church and monarchy, whose form was a community discussion room aimed at critiquing traditional power (Church and Kingdom). In other words, the power of capitalism has succeeded in creating a space of social debate that was once influenced by feudal power until it switched to a social area free from the domination of feudal power where in that public sphere society has a right in giving criticisms of social problems. If in Europe the development of the public sphere is influenced by the development of capitalism, then what about the implementation of the public sphere in transitional society in Indonesia or especially in the East Luwu community? This paper seeks to explore how the implementation of public space as a concept in transitional society, especially in the East Luwu region in particular related to the process of making a Regional Regulation no. 03 of 2007 on Hazardous Solid Waste. The results of field research indicate that people are still having difficulty in accessing information related to policies related to public life in real terms. At the same time, the government itself also difficulties in distributing information that is actually needed by the community. The government, the DPRD or the people of East Luwu have indeed agreed to provide a discussion space to the public regarding the making of the solid waste management regulation. However, the implementation did not find the appropriate way from the formulation process until the socialization of a local regulation.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-300
Author(s):  
Rudi Visker

The present article plays off two conceptions of the public sphere against one another. The first one sees in it a sign of what is already present in the private sphere, whereas the second regards it as a symbol that has to inscribe its own symbolic force into the private realm. That this is by no means a mere academic question becomes obvious by way of several examples analyzed at great length: the institution of mourning and the discussion about the presence of religious symbols in the public sphere. An argument for considering the Muslim veil as a protection against the divine is put forward in an attempt to clarify the presuppositions of our current predisposal against it. Ultimately, pluralism should perhaps not just be taken to refer only to the presence of others outside of us who we are able to numerically count, but might be the more difficult plight of having to cope with an otherness within each of us. Should the latter be the case, then we are in need of a public sphere where we can leave behind and thus honor what is not only differentiating us from others but also from ourselves.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095715582110091
Author(s):  
Ramona Mielusel

In this article, I am looking at two popular ‘ethnic’ comedies, L’Italien (2010) and Mohamed Dubois (2013), that promote dialogue and conviviality between Franco-Maghrebi and Franco-French people in France while questioning the societal feasibility of legislative measures of inclusiveness, visibility and equality of chances promoted by the government in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Considering some challenges in the representations, the comedies offer, at times, a social critique of certain stereotypical views on Islam and the destiny of Muslims on French soil, but they conclude in an optimistic tone supporting the idea that there is cultural métissage in France and that Muslims and Christians do mix in today’s diverse France. The popularity of these comedies attests to the fact that there is a need to bring up the issues of Islam in France and of the cohabitation between Muslims and Christian French citizens in the public sphere. I suggest however that while the Franco-Maghrebi’s ‘essentialist identity’ is challenged in the films, there are still neo-colonialist tensions in the artistic productions that entail ambivalence towards the Muslim characters. In a Franco-French dominated film-consuming culture, the Franco-Maghrebi characters are still subject to mimicry, which consistently maintains their subordinate position in the French culture.


Author(s):  
Başak Can

The government used medico-legal documentation of prisoners’ health condition to solve the biopolitical crisis in penal institutions immediately after the end of death fast (2000-2007) and released hundreds of hunger strikers, who suffered from incurable conditions. That the state turned a political crisis into a medical one using the illness clause had unprecedented consequences for how claims are made in the political sphere. Human rights activists, Kurdish and leftist politicians are now using the plight of ill prisoners to make political arguments in the public sphere. The health conditions of political prisoners, specifically the use of the illness clause has thus emerged as one of the most contentious fields in the encounters between the state and its opponents. This chapter examines how temporality works as an instrument of necropolitics through the slow production and circulation of the medico-legal bureaucratic documents that are produced through encounters with multiple state officials. I argue, first, that medico-legal processes surrounding the detainees are mediated through the discretionary sovereign acts of multiple state officials, including but not limited to physicians, and second, that legal medicine as a technology of state violence is central to understanding the intertwined histories of sovereignty and biopolitics in Turkey.


2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-293
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Martin

AbstractMost research on the Gulf states focuses on oil and its impact on state power. The literature on rentier theory almost unanimously agrees that oil rents buy off citizens and lead to socio-political stagnation. Massive protests and government attempts to address citizen demands in Kuwait between 2011 and 2013 call into question that narrative. Since those protests, the Kuwaiti government has taken steps to increase its representation of public officials and accessibility in the public sphere, including by expanding the government's presence on Instagram. How have Kuwaiti citizens voiced their opinions to government accounts? And how has the government responded to online criticism?This essay looks at the pattern of interactions between the state and Kuwaiti citizens on Twitter and Instagram using a content analysis of government accounts. The findings raise questions about the validity of the payoff thesis and understandings of consent and acquiescence. My analysis illustrates that there is a public dialogue that moves beyond the rigid structure of state and society by which the literature has traditionally understood Gulf rentier societies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yuhanyin Ma

<p align="justify">Marriage equality or the equal status of same-sex marriage has undergone a rather tough road in Australia, involving diverging opinions in parties at the state and federal levels and constitutional amendments. It appears that people in power set the agenda on the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, it cannot be denied that social media played an almost decisive role in this process because it enabled the gathering of massive public opinion to pressure the government to make changes. To be specific, social media or social networking sites offered platforms for people concerned to share reports about the progress of foreign countries in legalizing same-sex marriage, to express their opinions and to launch campaigns in support of their beliefs. This essay explores the role that social media played in the legalization of marriage equality movement in Australia from the perspectives of the public sphere theory and the agenda-setting theory.</p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cora Alexa Døving

Do religious debaters challenge the secular public sphere? This article is an analysis of the largest religion related debate in Norway: the debate about the hijab and the use of religious symbols in the public sphere. The article is empirically founded on the debates in 2009 that began with the question about to which degree the hijab could become part of the Norwegian police uniform for those who would wish to use it. The analysis is mainly centred on the arguments of the hijab wearers: to what degree is their religious motivation translated into a secular language? The empirical examination will show that Muslim debaters arguments can be characterized by a striking absence of references to religious concepts, and a just as striking use of secular ones. The article suggests that the lack of religious argumentation is an expression of an Islamic secularism rather than a result of a translation process. The hijab wearer's arguments are presented in the light of John Rawls’ and Jürgen Habermas’ thoughts about the need for translation—and its price.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-134
Author(s):  
Andul Pirol ◽  
Aswan Aswan

This research discusses the politics of identity that are increasingly strengthening in the public sphere. This phenomenon grows through the religious sentiment circulated massively on social media and is also evident in dress and daily behavior. This article wants to see: (1) the extent to which the identity of female students that wearing niqab influences the national insight, (2) how their perspectives and attitudes in national and state life. As a result, the sentiment of niqab female students' identity grew more vital in the public sphere. It is directly proportional to their low acceptance of government leaders of different religions. The government role is also considered lacking in helping them to overcome the life problems they face. Interestingly, the position of the Pancasila in the group gaining acceptance is relatively high. The primary data of this study through a questionnaire with the techniques of purposive sampling of 30 female students that wearing the niqab from various religious organisations spread across many campuses in the City of Palopo.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-182
Author(s):  
Derselli P. Silitonga

Abstract. Domestic violence is an issue that is considered a private household problem so it cannot merely be handled by the government or the authorities. For this reason, this study aimed to describe the important role of pastoral care in dealing with domestic violence. The method used in this research was descriptive qualitative research method. Data was collected through observation, interview and literature study and analyzed in depth and described descriptively. The result was that pastoral care is an effective way to deal with the problem of domestic violence by not bringing it into the public sphere and creating peace between husband and wife.Abstrak. Kekerasan dalam rumah tangga merupakan isu yang dianggap sebagai persoalan privat rumah tangga sehingga tidak begitu saja dapat ditangani oleh pemerintah atau pihak yang berwajib. Untuk itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran pentingnya peran pelayanan pastoral dalam menangani masalah kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Data-data dikumpulkan melalui observasi, wawancara dan studi kepustakaan serta dianalisa secara mendalam dan diuraikan secara deskriptif. Hasilnya adalah pelayanan pastoral merupakan cara yang efektif untuk menangani masalah kekerasan dalam rumah tangga oleh karena tidak membawanya ke ranah publik dan menciptakan perdamaian di antara suami istri.


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