scholarly journals INTRA-PARTY STRUGGLE OF THE POLITICAL ELITE FOR AUTHORITATIVE POWERS IN THE SOVIET STATE IN 1917–1920

Author(s):  
Igor V. Kallin

The article examines the activities of three political institutions (the Council of People’s Commissars, the Politburo, the Secretariat of the Central Committee) of the Soviet state from the point of view of their superiority in the political arena at the time of the initial formation of a new one-party state. As a result of various transformations by the end of the 1920s, the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks began to play a special role in the power structures. The relationship between the members and candidates for membership of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b) gradually begins to depend on the position of the General Secretary I.V. Stalin (since 1922). He begins to acquire the functions of a judge in various disputable situations that periodically arose between the opposing ideological associations of the above-mentioned state decision-making body, the nature of outgoing documents that appear in the business correspondence of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party is also transformed, and the factor of the informal system of making key decisions acquires a particular importance. As a result of such transformations, only a part of the approved decisions is recorded in the resolutions of the Political Bureau, while the preliminary work on their implementation is generally not taken into account anywhere. The Secretariat of the Bolshevik Party at the very beginning of its existence was generally conceived as an absolutely technical body, a kind of bureau of typists-secretaries, who would prepare on paper the printed texts of the decisions made by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b). The Secretariat of the Central Committee in no way meant a body for making economic, administrative, industrial, personnel, and no less political decisions. Elevation of this unsophisticated organ above other state and party organs is largely due to I.V. Stalin, who managed to redirect the documentation flow of the Soviet state through his department.

Author(s):  
Ammar Shamaileh ◽  
Yousra Chaábane

What is the relationship between institutional favoritism, economic well-being, and political trust? Due to the role that East Bank tribes played in supporting the monarchy during the state’s formative years, Jordan has institutionalized a type of political discrimination that privileges East Bank Jordanians over Palestinian Jordanians. An empirical examination of the political institutions of the state reveals that such discrimination remains pervasive. It was subsequently theorized that institutional favoritism’s impact on political trust is conditional on income due to the greater salience of group identity among individuals with lower incomes. Regression analyses of survey data reveal a consistent negative correlation between political trust and income among East Bank Jordanians. There is little evidence of a substantively meaningful unconditional relationship between national origin and political trust.


Author(s):  
Alessandra Silveira ◽  
José Gomes André ◽  

This paper includes the exam of a Ph.D thesis about James Madison’s political philosophy, as well as the answers presented by the candidate to several criticai observations. Various themes are considered, though always surrounding Madison’s work: the peculiar characteristics of his federalism, the relationship between the idea of human nature and the elaboration of political models, the political and constitutional controversies that Madison entangled with several figures from its time (namely Alexander Hamilton), the problem of “judicial review” and the place of “constitutionality control” taken from a reflexive and institutional point of view, and other similar themes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-234
Author(s):  
Anna Markopoulou

The aim of this commentary is to highlight the relationship between Nietzsche and Transhumanism on the occasion of the publication of the Posthuman Studies Reader in 2021, which is edited by Evi D. Sampanikou and Jan Stasienko. More specifically, this commentary focuses on the fact that the Reader promotes Nietzsche as the official forerunner of Transhumanism, since it places humans at a transition point between animal and Overhuman.The analysis of the ten transhumanist texts in the Reader shows that, in essence, Transhumanism is not a transition but an overcoming of the human and, from this point of view, it is not in line with Nietzsche's conception. Moreover, this commentary focuses on the relationship between Transhumanism and politics and shows that the political dimension is entirely absent from most of the Transhumanist texts in the Reader. Thus, transhumanism should re-evaluate its epistemological foundations and its relation to politics. 


Author(s):  
John Harriss ◽  
Andrew Wyatt

The political economy of Tamil Nadu presents a puzzle: in spite of politics that are generally considered to be unhelpful to development, the state does relatively well in terms both of economic growth and of human development. The chapter argues that Tamil Nadu is neither a developmental nor a social democratic state, while having some of the features of both. It is, rather, characterized by Bonapartism. While the state has generally been supportive of big business, the relationship between the corporate sector and the political elite is distinctly “arm’s-length.” The power and influence of business groups has not “grown enormously,” as has been claimed elsewhere. Tamil politicians do not rely for financial resources on big business but have their own sources of finance, some of them in semilegal or illegal activities such as sand mining and granite quarrying.


2003 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Bower

In 1880, following a two-generation-long civil war, Argentina embarked upon a critical period of nation-building, which culminated in the centennial celebrations of 1910. In The Argentine Generation of 1880: Ideology and Cultural Texts, David Foster has commented upon the inconclusiveness of national cultural formation as Argentina turned from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the uncertainty of how much from the provinces would be incorporated into the elite-constructed culture emanating from the port city of Buenos Aires. The recently published work of Roy Hora, The Landowners of the Argentine Pampas: A Social and Political History 1860-1945, and the work of Tulio Halperin, “The Buenos Aires Landed Class and the Shape of Argentine Politics (1820-1930),” which preceded it, further heighten the significance of provincial-porteño interaction at this point in Argentine history. Halperin and Hora find that during these years, and beyond, the socio-economic and the political elite of Argentina was not a unified whole, but rather two distinctive groups. In the leadership of the socio-economic elite was a landed class based on the estancias of the Argentine pampa and overwhelmingly porteño in character. Provincials dominated the political elite, as the provinces ‘captured’ the federal government in the years following their reunification with the province of Buenos Aires in 1861. Participation in the federal government brought the provincial political elite into contact with the porteño estancieros who dominated the socio-economic elite, as these were almost universally resident in the federal capital. But Roy Hora has described the relationship between the two groups as “problematic.”


1978 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney Verba ◽  
Goldie Shabad

Many students of citizen participation claim that one solution to the problem of political inequality in liberal democracies lies in the establishment of direct participatory channels in decentralized socioeconomic and political institutions similar to those found in Yugoslavia. Others argue that the availability of participatory channels in the workplace leads to the domination of these channels by a technocratic elite. Still other students of participation in Yugoslavia claim that participatory channels are dominated by the political elite, the League of Communists.In this paper, we examine this set of conflicting hypotheses by using data which come from an extensive survey of participatory activities in four Yugoslav republics. Our findings are consistent with the interpretation that workers' councils open channels for a more technocratically oriented participation. When it comes to other kinds of activity, affiliation with the League is more important than socioeconomic or professional status in determining who participates. But because League members come disproportionately from upper-status groups, there is not a marked difference in the extent to which membership in workers' councils and participation in other kinds of activity are biased in favor of the advantaged segments of Yugoslav society. In each case, but for different reasons, it is the upper-status citizen who is likely to be active.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 280-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georg von Schnurbein ◽  
Peter Seele ◽  
Irina Lock

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to add to a better understanding of relationship of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and corporate philanthropy. The authors argue that corporate philanthropy is exclusive to CSR because of their different characteristics. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on a profound literature review and discusses the relationship of CSR and corporate philanthropy from a theoretical point of view. By conceptually combining the CSR pyramid and the triple bottom line approach, the authors show that corporate philanthropy has a special role outside of the classical CSR concept. Findings Four fundaments of corporate philanthropy – economic, motivational, creative and moral – are described that illustrate the importance and outstanding role of corporate philanthropy for today’s businesses. Based on these, the authors formulate three new forms of corporate giving, volunteering and foundations, which the authors subsume under the novel notion of “exclusive corporate philanthropy”. Research limitations/implications The main contribution of this paper for future research is to regard corporate philanthropy as exclusive to CSR. Future studies might, therefore, consider the different characteristics of corporate philanthropy and engage in an empirical investigation of this new type. Practical implications The model of exclusive corporate philanthropy presented in this paper provides practitioners with a better understanding of how corporate philanthropy can be rolled out today. Originality/value This paper offers a new perspective on the relationship of CSR and corporate philanthropy. Based on the economic, motivational, creative and moral characteristics of corporate philanthropy, the authors establish a clear distinction between the two concepts.


Author(s):  
S. N. Abrashkin

The review analyzes the memoirs of the first governor of the Samara region in the modern history of Russia Konstantin Alekseevich Titov. The ex-governor recorded the most important events of his political career, presented the personal characteristics of statesmen of the period of the 1990-s and early 2000-s. As a result of the study, it was found that in the memoirs of K.A.Titov, the relationship of the Samara governor with statesmen and representatives of the political elite of the Russian Federation is presented and fragmented his activities as a regional head of one of the largest regions of the Russian Federation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Kun Budianto

Islam is a religion perfect and comprehensive, it should have a major role in the political life of a country. To go toward the integration of society, the state and the Islamic ijtihad is needed that will provide guidance for parliamentarians or politicians in explaining hujahnya in politics. And the interaction of Muslims living in the modern world with the political will give new experiences and challenges towards a just and prosperous society. A clean and healthy politics will increase public confidence, especially in Indonesia that Islam is indeed manage all aspects from the economic, social, military, cultural to political. Political institutions in Islam, among others, consists of the concepts of the constitution, legislation, shura and democracy and also the ummah. Islam made ​​in the constitution is in order as the guidelines and rules of the game in the relationship between government and the people. Legislation created to deal with affairs of state and government set a law that will be enforced and implemented by people. While the shura and democracy are two interrelated things, shura is in deliberation and democracy also emphasizes the element of deliberation. And the ummah or community can be defined nation, people, people, communities and so on. It could be said that the people of an organization are bound by the rules of Islam.


Author(s):  
Musayyarah Fatmayani ◽  
Drs Pawito ◽  
Widodo Muktiyo

This study aims to express an understanding of how information-seeking patterns among the political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle in Surakarta relate to the issue of the possible nomination of Gibran Rakabuming Raka - son of Indonesian President Joko Widodo as a candidate for Mayor of Surakarta. This research analyzes through social media, especially Facebook, about the relationship between information seeking behavior of the political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) with certainty about the issues circulating in the community. This research paradigm uses phenomenology with a qualitative approach. The source / participant of this research is the political elite PDI Perjuangan this is because according to the news circulating Gibran will run for office using PDI Perjuangan party vehicles. This study concludes that the pattern of information seeking among the political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) in Surakarta with information certainty needs. The need for information seeking is growing, making the PDI Perjuangan elite in Surakarta a source of information which then forms information search behavior patterns based on the use of social media, especially Facebook. 


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