A fundamental law of reason and the constitutional law of elections in Africa

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-41
Author(s):  
Atudiwe P Atupare

This paper attempts a comparative understanding of the constitutional law of elections in two African countries: Ghana and Nigeria. As a prelude, I argue that judges should approach the task of interpretation of the constitutional law of elections based on a non-positivist understanding of legality or the rule of law. Law is not to be regarded simply as the product of lawmakers’ decisions and intentions but as embodying fundamental values that gain normative force independently of what is decided, written or intended by lawmakers. The core of this claim is anchored on a theory of law, the fundamental law of reason. The identification of this fundamental law is not a matter of pure moral reasoning. It is a conception of law as a rule of reason with ‘reason’ here suggesting a uniquely judicial form of discourse where the particular values that will, under this approach, gain this special normative force cannot be listed in a fixed catalogue; they are, rather, the values that are deemed essential to securing the conditions for legality or the rule of law that are, in turn, necessary for ‘law’ to exist. In light of this, I contend that judicial decisions on electoral disputes in Ghana and Nigeria should be able to carry conviction with the ordinary person as being based not merely on legal precedent or the law-makers’ intentions but also upon acceptable values as understood from the reason of the fundamental law.

Author(s):  
Anthony Carty

The view that no form of international law existed in seventeenth-century France, and that this time was a part of ‘prehistory’, and thus irrelevant for international legal thought today is challenged. In addition, the traditional claim of Richelieu to be an admirer of Machiavelli and his Ragion di Stato doctrine to the detriment of the aim of concluding treaties and keeping them (as sacred), is refuted by careful historical research. In Richelieu’s thinking, there is a role for law to play but it is law as justice, law in the classical natural law tradition. Those who rule are subject to the rule of law as justice, the rule of God, or the rule of reason. In Richelieu’s world, kings and ministers are rational instruments of the practical implementation of God’s will on earth.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-41
Author(s):  
I. A. Tretyak

The article examines the main elements of constitutional and conflict diagnostics, which is a system of consistently applied methods, legal principles and presumptions, aimed at obtaining information about the causes, content, consequences and methods of preventing and resolving a constitutional conflict. Constitutional and conflict diagnostics is theoretically justified by the author as a new method of the science of constitutional law, which allows lawyers to study constitutional conflicts and constitutional norms of the conflictological type. The use of constitutional and conflict diagnostics will allow to establish and investigate the causal relationship between the formation of law, its normative expression and subsequent law enforcement, which will reflect the constitutional conflict. The author believes that the following methods are used in the course of diagnosing a constitutional conflict: dialectical, systematic, historical, statistical, methods of formal logic, formal-legal method, method of legal modeling, and other methods. The author also proposes to consider as the principles of such diagnostics: the principle of taking into account the specific historical situation, dialectical unity, systematic study of the conflict and the principle of the rule of law. The author suggests considering the following presuppositions used in the course of constitutional and conflict diagnostics: the presumption of the inevitability of constitutional conflicts, the presumption of the solvability of constitutional conflicts, and the presumption of the prevention of conflicts.


Author(s):  
Florent Guy ATANGANA MVOGO

Through the constitutional law of January 18, 1996, Cameroon endowed itself with a constitutional justice. The question is to what extent do the mechanisms of access to constitutional justice contribute to the democratic governance of the country? To analyse this fact, it appears that the mechanisms of access to constitutional justice in Cameroon are highly prohibitive and deny the rule of law and participatory democracy; all things that are resolutely situated at the antipodes of a democratic governance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Blokker ◽  
Bojan Bugaric ◽  
Gábor Halmai

AbstractThe intense engagement of populists with constitutionalism—a phenomenon originally related to experiences in Latin America—is increasingly evident in some of the new European Union member states. But the populist phenomenon is clearly not confined to more recently established democracies. Populist constitutionalism stands for a number of distinctive tendencies in constitutional politics and practices which frequently are in tension with—and may even threaten—fundamental values, human rights, representative democracy, and the rule of law. The relation between populism and constitutionalism is, however, not necessarily one of anti-thesis, but rather manifests itself in distinctive ways, depending on specific contexts and variations. In this special issue, we argue that populist constitutionalism is best analyzed in a comparative, and historically and contextually attuned manner. The special issue wants to contribute to understandings of populist constitutionalism, which are both theoretically more robust and able to comparatively reflect on a diversity of “really existing” cases. The various contributions discuss central dimensions to the populist phenomenon. These pertain in particular to: (a) The varieties of populist engagement with constitutionalism; (b) a deeper understanding of the populist mindset; (c) the position-taking and reaction of constitutional scholars to populism; (d) the complex relation and overlap of populism with illiberalism and authoritarianism; and (e) the central nature of constituent power in populist projects.


2003 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 595-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles F. Abernathy

Most European and American attorneys and judges think the U.S.A. has its legal roots in English common law, and that is probably true for the many areas of U.S. law that are still controlled by the traditional common-law process of simultaneously making and applying law. Yet, with respect to constitutional law – America's greatest legal contribution to modern respect for the rule of law, the roots of the U.S. legal system are firmly planted in Europe, not England. The U.S. Constitution was inspired by French revolutionary ideas of rationalism in law; it was intended as an integrated document just like codes; and it has been interpreted by American judges to be not just a political document but binding law – law that is binding on all three branches of government, legislative, executive, and judiciary. In fact that was the holding in Marbury v. Madison, the case decided exactly two hundred years ago.


Author(s):  
Teoría y Realidad Constitucional

En esta encuesta un grupo de Catedráticos de Derecho Constitucional contestan un conjunto de preguntas sobre la independencia del Poder Judicial en el Estado de Derecho, relativas a las amenazas que existen a esa independencia; las preguntas abordan temas relativos al Consejo General del Poder Judicial, la figura del aforamiento, el régimen del Ministerio Fiscal y el derecho de gracia, entre otros.In this academic survey a group of Constitutional Law Professors answer some questions about the independence of the Judicial Power and the Rule of Law and about the threats to this independence; the questions approach topics relative to the Judicial Power government, the procedural privileges, the regime of the Attorney General’s office and judicial pardon or grant of clemency.


1999 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 497-505
Author(s):  
Daniel Tarschys

The post-war European credo – never again a Europe given over to totalitarian terror and war, but a Europe of peace and freedom – led to the creation in May 1949 of the Council of Europe with the clear political and ideological alignment to build a Europe of common values (democracy, human rights and the Rule of Law), to which the practice of market economy was added. The promotion of those fundamental values constituted the Council's specific mandate and raison d'être together with ever-increasing cooperation patterns. After the end of the Cold War, the organization became the pre-eminent European political institution welcoming, on an equal footing and in permanent structures, the democracies of Europe freed from communist oppression. The Kosovo conflict calls for a hardening of the European resolve to base its future on the defence of human dignity, respect for the individual, the Rule of Law and pluralist democracy, indispensable in fostering a common European identity. Setting-up of regional and European cooperation and integration structures has been an important step forward, but must be complemented by the conviction and determination to forge a common European destiny.


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