Computational Design Approach to Re-Establish the Urban Fabric of Mongla: A Perspective from Grasshopper

Sumaiya Binte Azad

The Padma Multipurpose Bridge Project is the genesis of some subsequent projects in Bangladesh among which developing Mongla Port is one of the priority values. Since Mongla is an integral part of southern Bangladesh, the government has taken initiatives to integrate the port uses for neighboring countries. An agreement was signed (Intra Bangladesh, Butan, India, and Nepal (BBIN) Trade) for offering multi‐modal transit access to India and Port access to Nepal, Bhutan and Eastern India. The objective of this study is to establish a computational way to analyze the existing fabric and restore a potential optimized fabric. The methodology of this study includes developing a computational approach, collecting data from secondary sources, analyzing the data set and adjusting it to the identified existing urban fabric. In this paper, a new tool is introduced named ‘Physarealm’, based on the algorithm of Grasshopper and Rhinoceros.

Johannes Bubeck ◽  
Kai Jäger ◽  
Nikolay Marinov ◽  
Federico Nanni

Abstract Why do states intervene in elections abroad? This article argues that outsiders intervene when the main domestic contenders for office adopt policy positions that differ from the point of view of the outside power. It refers to the split between the government's and opposition's positions as policy polarization. Polarization between domestic political forces, rather than the degree of unfriendliness of the government in office, attracts two types of interventions: process (for or against democracy) and candidate (for or against the government) interventions. The study uses a novel, original data set to track local contenders’ policy positions. It shows that the new policy polarization measurement outperforms a number of available alternatives when it comes to explaining process and candidate interventions. The authors use this measurement to explain the behavior of the United States as an intervener in elections from 1945 to 2012. The United States is more likely to support the opposition, and the democratic process abroad, if a pro-US opposition is facing an anti-US government. It is more likely to support the government, and undermine the democratic process abroad, if a pro-US government is facing an anti-US opposition. The article also presents the results for all interveners, confirming the results from the US case.

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (40) ◽  
pp. 23009-23018
Alexandra Schindl ◽  
Rebecca R. Hawker ◽  
Karin S. Schaffarczyk McHale ◽  
Kenny T.-C. Liu ◽  
Daniel C. Morris ◽  

An iterative, combined experimental and computational approach towards predicting reaction rate constants in ionic liquids is presented.

Robert Sewell ◽  
M. Fergusson

In a Report recently sent to the Government of Madras on antiquities discovered at Bēzwaḍa, and the Rock-cut Temple at Uṇḍavilli (both on the Lower Kṛishṇā in South-Eastern India), I devoted considerable space to the question of the identity of the former place with the capital city of Dhanakacheka as described by Hiouen-Thsang. I do not claim to be in any sense considered as the originator of this discovery, Mr. Fergusson having previously pointed out, first the likelihood, and afterwards the certainty, that the two places were identical.

2006 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-455 ◽  

This article describes a newly constructed data set of all U.S. state banks from 1782 to 1861. It contains the names and locations of all banks and branches that went into business and an estimate of when each operated. The compilation is based on reported balance sheets, listings in banknote reporters, and secondary sources. Based on these data, the article presents a count of the number of banks and branches in business by state. I argue that my series are superior to previously existing ones for reasons of consistency, accuracy, and timing. The article contains examples to support this argument.

IUCrJ ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-55 ◽  
Hiroki Noguchi ◽  
Christine Addy ◽  
David Simoncini ◽  
Staf Wouters ◽  
Bram Mylemans ◽  

β-Propeller proteins form one of the largest families of protein structures, with a pseudo-symmetrical fold made up of subdomains called blades. They are not only abundant but are also involved in a wide variety of cellular processes, often by acting as a platform for the assembly of protein complexes. WD40 proteins are a subfamily of propeller proteins with no intrinsic enzymatic activity, but their stable, modular architecture and versatile surface have allowed evolution to adapt them to many vital roles. By computationally reverse-engineering the duplication, fusion and diversification events in the evolutionary history of a WD40 protein, a perfectly symmetrical homologue called Tako8 was made. If two or four blades of Tako8 are expressed as single polypeptides, they do not self-assemble to complete the eight-bladed architecture, which may be owing to the closely spaced negative charges inside the ring. A different computational approach was employed to redesign Tako8 to create Ika8, a fourfold-symmetrical protein in which neighbouring blades carry compensating charges. Ika2 and Ika4, carrying two or four blades per subunit, respectively, were found to assemble spontaneously into a complete eight-bladed ring in solution. These artificial eight-bladed rings may find applications in bionanotechnology and as models to study the folding and evolution of WD40 proteins.

2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (11) ◽  
pp. 1474-1499 ◽  
Laron K. Williams

If no-confidence motions are primarily motivated by bringing down governments, why do only approximately 5% of no-confidence motions in advanced parliamentary democracies from 1960 result in the termination of government? In this project the author addresses this puzzle by developing a formal model of the electoral benefits of no-confidence motions and tests these hypotheses with the use of an original data set. No-confidence motions represent highly visible opportunities for opposition parties to highlight their strength or ability compared to the government in the hopes of improving their vote shares. The author finds support for the signal-based theory on a sample of 20 advanced parliamentary democracies from 1960 to 2008. Although no-confidence motions result in decreases for the government parties, the opposition parties that propose the motion experience boosts in vote share. This relationship is even stronger when the proposing party is an alternative governing possibility—illustrated by the conditioning impacts of the number of parliamentary parties and the opposition party’s ideological extremism. This provides an explanation as to why opposition parties would continue to challenge the government even though the motions are likely to fail.

2020 ◽  
pp. 088832541990052
Jan Kovář ◽  
Kamil Kovář

The Council of the EU is the primary institution through which ministers of member states can express their positions on Commission proposals and vote upon legislation. This article first examines the extent to which ministers actually attend Council meetings before moving toward investigating the determinants of ministerial participation in over a period covering almost thirteen years between May 2004 and December 2016. It aims to identify determinants of why ministers from the Visegrad countries participate at some meetings and are absent from others. Using an original data set containing information about 940 Council meetings as well as several country-specific characteristics, we show that, on average, at about four out of every six meetings, ministers are absent. The results of our regressions indicate a pattern in which holding the office of the EU’s rotating presidency, the number of b-points on the agenda, and the size of the government increase the likelihood of ministerial participation in meetings. In contrast, high levels of popular support for Eurosceptic parties and holding of national legislative elections decrease the probability of ministerial attendance. Moreover, meetings of Council formations related to policy areas with a low level of EU competence are significantly less likely to be attended by ministers.

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-133
Akmal Hawi

This article is a summary of research results written using descriptive and holistic methods. By reviewing primary and secondary sources to obtain accurate and clear data that contains: Islamic principles of democracy in the struggle of Nurcholish Madjid, Islamic Principles about Democracy in Learning Applying Islamic Principles about democracy in Indonesia. Democracy requires real effort from every citizen and its supporting devices, namely a conducive culture as a manifestation of a society's thinking and design to create democracy as a view of life in the country both by the people and the government. The regularity of the background, the importance of this article is discussed. This article will discuss more about discussing Nurcholish Madjid about Islam and democracy.

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 12 ◽  
Sebak Kumar Saha

Although households in the coastal areas of Bangladesh undertake various adaptation and coping measures to minimise their vulnerability to cyclone hazards and salinity intrusion, these autonomous measures have received little attention in the past. However, the Government of Bangladesh has recently emphasised the importance of understanding these measures so that necessary interventions to make households more resilient to natural hazards and the adverse impacts of climate change can be introduced. This paper, based on secondary sources, explores adaptation and coping measures that households in the coastal areas of Bangladesh undertake to minimise their vulnerability to cyclone hazards and salinity intrusion. This paper shows that many of the adaptation and coping measures contribute to making households less vulnerable and more resilient to cyclone hazards and salinity intrusion, although some coping measures do the opposite as they reduce households’ adaptive capacities instead of improving them. This paper argues that the adaptation and coping measures that contribute to reducing households’ vulnerability to natural hazards need to be supported and guided by the government and NGOs to make them more effective. Additionally, measures that make households more vulnerable also need to be addressed by the government and NGOs, as most of these measures are related to and constrained by both poverty, and because the households have little or no access to economic opportunities.   

Humaniora ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 216
Vidya Prahassacitta

The 1998 reform in Indonesia has changed freedom press in Indonesia. Now press implements libertarian model which puts freedom first instead of responsibility. Previously, press implemented soviet communist model which put responsibility first instead of freedom. Fifteen years later, press in Indonesia has become political tool by the owner of the press company who has high position in political party participating in the 2014 election. This reflects on the disproportional news regarding corruption cases conducted by the government officer or parliament member from the contender party. Such news delivers not only facts but also misleading opinions to the society which creates trial by the press. In fact, presumption of innocent principle is a foundation for press reporting news as stipulated in Law No. 40 Year 1999 concerning Press and Journalistic Code of Conduct. In libertarian press there are always borders but such borders are not effective since the freedom of press in Indonesia is powerful. Article used qualitative and library research with secondary sources of law to gain a solution to this problem. Therefore, Press Board should maximize its function in supervising the implementation of presumption of innocent principle and to raise society awareness regarding the law supremacy. In the end, to fulfill press social responsibility, a press profession court shall be established to keep press independency. 

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