scholarly journals A diversidade confirma seu voto: candidaturas transexuais, folkcomunicação e representação política

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (42) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Nelson Toledo Ferreira

A proposta deste artigo é refletir sobre os espaços ocupados pelas candidaturas transexuais nas últimas eleições municipais de 2020, no Brasil, correlacionando folkcomunicação, representação política e minorias. Apesar do êxito eleitoral de uma parcela ainda pequena desse segmento em todo o país, com destaque maior nas grandes metrópoles, os (as) transexuais reforçam suas políticas de gênero e abrem novos campos de disputas políticas, como nunca vistos na sociedade brasileira. Nessa perspectiva, o trabalho aponta como a visibilidade midiática potencializa as políticas de comunicação afirmativas da identidade transexual, o que vem possibilitando leituras plurais da sociedade, abrindo novos espaços e democratizando a representação política. Folkcomunicação; Representação política; Minoria; Transexuais. The purpose of this article is to reflect on the spaces occupied by transsexual candidates in the last municipal elections of 2020, in Brazil, correlating folk communication, political representation and minorities. Despite the electoral success of a still small portion of this segment across the country, with greater prominence in large cities, transsexuals reinforce their gender policies and open up new fields of political disputes, as never before seen in Brazilian society. In this perspective, the work points out how media visibility enhances affirmative communication policies for transsexual identity, which have enabled plural readings of society, opening new spaces and democratizing political representation. Folkcommunication; Political Representation; Minorities; Transsexuals. El propósito de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los espacios ocupados por los candidatos transexuales en las últimas elecciones municipales de 2020, en Brasil, correlacionando folkcomunicación, representación política y minorías. A pesar del éxito electoral de una porción aún pequeña de este segmento en todo el país, con mayor protagonismo en las grandes ciudades, los transexuales refuerzan sus políticas de género y abren nuevos campos de disputa política, como nunca antes se había visto en la sociedad brasileña. En esta perspectiva, el trabajo señala cómo la visibilidad mediática potencia las políticas de comunicación afirmativa para la identidad transexual, que han permitido lecturas plurales de la sociedad, abriendo nuevos espacios y democratizando la representación política. Folkcomunicación; Representación Política; Minorías; Transexuales.

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-553 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Kushner ◽  
David Siegel ◽  
Hannah Stanwick

AbstractThis article examines voting trends in recent Ontario elections and the impact of incumbency, gender, campaign expenditures and the number of candidates per seat on the electoral success of a candidate. Voter turnout is found to be consistently lower in larger cities. The number of females holding office has increased over time, with large cities having the highest proportion of females in office. As candidates, males and females have similar success rates. Incumbency provides a huge advantage, especially in large cities. The level of campaign spending also has a significant effect as does the number of candidates contesting a seat.


2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Stanwick

Case studies of municipal elections hold little appeal for students of local government. Recent scholarship for the most part has focused on gender or the election of councillors, but studies of mayoral contests are virtually non–existent. This is somewhat surprising, considering the constituent size of several large Canadian municipalities where local government leaders are directly elected. If indeed local government is the level closest to the people, a study of municipal electoral behaviour in large cities can provide insights about the relationship between local politicians and the electorate.


Author(s):  
Juan Antonio Inarejos Muñoz

RESUMENEn este artículo se plantea un análisis comparativo de los mecanismos de representación política y control social implantados en dos sociedades coloniales: las Filipinas españolas y la Indochina francesa. Este tema forma parte de una investigación más amplia centrada en la selección de las élites locales filipinas durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX y los proyectos de reforma de los sistemas de representación local vietnamita bajo dominio colonial francés. Se trazan en clave comparativa las principales similitudes y diferencias con los mecanismos de representación y control social desplegados en ambos escenarios, aspectos claves a la hora de comprender las razones que determinaron el final de ambas experiencias coloniales en el sudeste asiático.PALABRAS CLAVE: Filipinas, Indochina, colonialismo, elecciones locales, podermunicipal.ABSTRACTThis study presents a comparative analysis of the political representation and socialcontrol implemented in two colonial societies: the Spanish Philippines and French Indochina. This topic is part of a broader study focused on the selection of the native elite in the Spanish Philippines in the nineteenth century and on the projects to reform local representation in French Indochina. The main similarities and differences in the representation and social control mechanisms in both scenarios are described as they are key aspects when it comes to understanding the end of these two colonial experiences in South East Asia. This diverse tool kit included the political use of productive resources, individual conduct reports, the development of clientelist networks, the manipulation of religious beliefs, abuse and repression.KEY WORDS: Philippines, Indochina, colonialism, municipal elections, local power.


2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-278
Author(s):  
Mark Doidge ◽  
Bárbara Schausteck de Almeida

During his playing days, the Brazilian striker Romário was one of the most famous footballers in the world. He played for three of Brazil’s top clubs in Rio de Janeiro, as well as Barcelona and PSV Eindhoven. He won the World Cup and scored over one-thousand goals throughout his career. After this successful career, Romário entered politics, first as a deputy in the city of Rio and later as a senator in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Romário’s electoral success is not simply down to his footballing ability, nor the popularity of the sport in Brazil. Sports stardom, celebrity and celebrity politicians are also engaging with complex cultural processes. He has traded on his footballing stardom, but he also connects with his electorate through specific policy campaigns that resonate particularly well with his Brazilian voters. More importantly, he uses football and his footballer career as a metaphor for the wider problems facing Brazilian society. Drawing on literature from Sports Stardom, Celebrity and Celebrity Politicians, this paper charts the political career of Romário within the socio-political context of Brazil and argues that celebrity politicians still need to engage with their audiences regardless of their previous careers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ki-Young Shin

AbstractThis article examines a Japanese local party, Netto, as a new type of women's party. The Netto is defined as a “proactive women's party” to illustrate how it is different not only from conventional political parties but also from parties organized to promote feminist platforms. The Japanese Netto is a women-dominated party in which women constitute the majority of members and candidates, as well as party leadership. The party platform prioritizes practical women's interests such as safe food and child-rearing over women's labor or feminist issues. The gendered characteristics of Netto appeal to middle-class housewives and mothers, facilitating the electoral success of the party in urban areas. The party's notable features, such as rotation of deputies, term limits, donation of deputy salary, and volunteerism, distinguish Netto from conventional political parties. As such, the party provides an alternative model of political representation. The Netto party illustrates that not all women's parties use a feminist platform, but they still play an important role in changing male-dominated electoral politics.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaël Aklin ◽  
Chao-Yo Cheng ◽  
Johannes Urpelainen

Abstract We examine unequal outcomes in the implementation of India’s national rural electrification program in Uttar Pradesh. We ask two questions: (1) to what extent did Dalits, the lowest group in India’s caste hierarchy, receive less attention when the state electrified rural communities? (2) Was BSP, the state’s Dalit party, able to reduce this inequality? Using data from a hundred thousand villages, we provide robust evidence for unequal outcomes. Villages inhabited solely by Dalits were 20 percentage points less likely to be covered by the program than villages without any Dalits. Moreover, a regression discontinuity analysis shows that the electoral success of BSP failed to reduce such differences. These results highlight the magnitude and persistence of caste inequality in the implementation of democratic public policy, despite political representation.


1962 ◽  
Vol 13 (50) ◽  
pp. 117-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.W. Boyle

For over ten years (June 1895–January 1906) a conservative and unionist government was in office, and, except for the minor devolution crisis of 1904-5, Irish home rule was not a serious issue at Westminster. In Ulster it was a period of relative quiet, undisturbed by the agitation and riots that had attended the home rule bills of 1886 and 1893. After 1886 conservatives and liberal unionists were united electorally and supported unionist parliamentary candidates, though they retained formally separate organisations; liberal home rulers were politically unimportant for most of the period, though they contested seats in Londonderry, Antrim and Tyrone.In the absence of an immediate external threat dissent grew among those not committed to nationalism. T. W. Russell, M.P. for South Tyrone, found himself increasingly at variance with his leaders over the claims of tenant farmers and stood as an independent unionist in 1906; he was later to become a home rule liberal. At the Belfast municipal elections of 1897 the labour movement of the city returned six candidates, and during the following decade contested the North Belfast parliamentary seat in three successive years. A serious and embarrassing challenge to the leadership of Ulster unionism and the Orange Order was offered by the electoral success in 1902 of T. H. Sloan, a shipyard worker and master of an Orange lodge, and by the formation of the Independent Orange Order in the following year. Sloan, who held his South Belfast seat until 1910, contended that official unionist and Orange leaders disregarded working-class interests and were too ready to yield to catholic and nationalist pressure. The radicalism of the new order was strengthened by one of its officers, Robert Lindsay Crawford, who wished it to follow his own evolution towards liberal nationalism. It is the purpose of this paper to trace the origin and growth of the Independent Orange Order, its rôle in the general election of 1906 and the revival of Ulster liberalism, and its relationship with the Belfast labour movement.


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