scholarly journals Muḥammad ʿAbduh’s Notion of Political Adab

2022 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 339-364
Author(s):  
William Ryle-Hodges

This paper extends the emphasis on contingency and context in Islamic ethical traditions into the distinctly modern context of late 19th century Khedival Egypt. I draw attention to the way Muḥammad ʿAbduh’s engagement with Islamic ethical traditions was shaped by his practice in addressing the broad social and political questions of his context to do with nation-building and political journalism. As a bureaucrat and state publicist, he took pre-modern Islamic ethical concepts into the emerging discursive field of the modern state and the public sphere in Egypt. Looking at a series of newspaper articles for the state newspaper, al-Waqāʾiʿ al-miṣriyya, I show how he articulated an ethics of citizenship by defining a modern civic notion of adab that he called “political adab.” He conceived of this adab as the answer to the problem of how a unified nation emerges from the condition of “freedom” by which journalists and the reading public at the time were conceptualizing the politics of the ʿUrābī revolution in late 1881. This was a “freedom” of the public sphere that allowed for free speech and the power of public opinion to shape governance. ‘Political adab’ would be the virtue or situational skill, internalized in each participant in the public sphere, that would regulate this freedom, ensuring that it produces unity rather than anarchy. I argue that adab here enshrined ʿAbduh’s holistic approach to nation-building; Egypt with political rights would be a nation in which the very idea of the nation is comprehensively embedded—through adab—in people’s lives, animating their “souls”. This was a politics conceived not as a self-standing domain, but as growing out of society, becoming thereby an authentic unity and self-regulating “life”. In developing this vision, ʿAbduh was amplifying pre-modern meanings of adab implying wide breadth of knowledge, good taste, and the virtues, labelled in the paper as ‘comprehensivness,’ ‘consensus’ and ‘habitus.’ Keywords: Muḥammad ʿAbduh, Adab, Freedom, Nation, Politics, Egypt

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 13-35
Author(s):  
H. Şule Albayrak

For decades the authoritarian secularist policies of the Turkish state, by imposing a headscarf ban at universities and in the civil service, excluded practising Muslim women from the public sphere until the reforms following 2010. However, Muslim women had continued to seek ways to increase their knowledge and improve their intellectual levels, not only as individuals, but also by establishing civil associations. As a result, a group of intellectual women has emerged who are not only educated in political, social, and economic issues, but who are also determined to attain their socio-economic and political rights. Those new actors in the Turkish public sphere are, however, concerned with being labeled as either “feminist,” “fundamentalist” or “Islamist.” This article therefore analyzes the distance between the self-identifications of intellectual Muslim women and certain classifications imposed on them. Semi-structured in-depth interviews with thirteen Turkish intellectual Muslim women were carried out which reveal that they reject and critique overly facile labels due to their negative connotations while offering more complex insights into their perspectives on Muslim women, authority, and identity.


Author(s):  
Bongani C Ndhlovu

This chapter analyses the influence of the state in shaping museum narratives, especially in a liberated society such as South Africa. It argues that while the notion of social cohesion and nation building is an ideal that many South African museums should strive for, the technocratisation of museum processes has to a degree led to a disregard of the public sphere as a space of open engagement. Secondly, the chapter also looks at the net-effect of museums professionals and boards in the development of their narrative. It argues that due to the nature of their expertise and interests, and the focus on their areas of specialisation, museums may hardly claim to be representative of the many voices they ought to represent. As such, the chapter explores contestations in museum spaces. It partly does so by exploring the notion “free-spokenness” and its limits in museum spaces. To amplify its argument, the chapter uses some exhibitions that generated critical engagements from Iziko Museums of South Africa.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel W. Watters

Critics of the Turkish interpretation of secularism,laiklik, describe it as authoritarian and repressive. Indeed, rather than establish state neutrality toward religion,laiklikhistorically entailed state control of Islam, the religion of the vast majority of the Turkish population, and the exclusion of religion from the public sphere in an effort to control religious belief and identity. Many, including leaders in the ruling AKP, assert, though, that recent reforms herald a move away from this model of control toward a secularism defined by state neutrality toward religion. To determine whether this transformation is actually occurring, I evaluate, based on Turkish language sources, the recent reforms under the AKP using the framework of the secularized state described by the German legal scholar Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde. Because of its significant role in implementing Turkish policies toward religion, I evaluate these reforms by analyzing developments in the programming and messaging of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) under the AKP. I find little evidence thatlaiklikis transitioning to a state neutrality toward religion. Rather, the AKP has coupled a greater presence of religion in the public sphere with expanding state authority in religious programming and messaging. Although these reforms reflect a transformation in Turkish nation-building policies, they maintain the state control of religion that separateslaiklikfrom neutral secularism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-91
Author(s):  
Sarah Francine Schreiner ◽  
Mateus Gruber

A religião contribui para o debate de questões importantes à sociedade, favorecendo que o Estado estruture regras aplicáveis à coletividade. Contudo, se crenças religiosas de determinado grupo forem usadas como único parâmetro de fundamento para a tomada de decisões com afetação geral, há possibilidade de um pressuposto individual ser aplicado ao coletivo sem que efetivamente tenha cabimento e importância a todas as pessoas, eventualmente privilegiando apenas o grupo de onde emergiu tal crença. Assim, o problema que surge, e que impulsiona esse estudo, envolve a laicidade como eventual limite da atuação de grupos religiosos na esfera pública, entendida para fins desse estudo como o poder estatal. Os objetivos da análise envolvem - a partir do pressuposto da laicidade estatal, relativa à ausência de uma religião oficial do Estado – analisar se essa laicidade é um limitador da atuação de grupos religiosos no poder. Para isso, conceituam-se estado secular e estado laico, e sobre a liberdade religiosa prevista constitucionalmente, destacam-se garantias e os limites de atuação dos movimentos religiosos no exercício de funções públicas. A metodologia utilizada é a bibliográfica, e segue a estrutura dos direitos fundamentais, com vistas a uma relação com os direitos humanos. Os resultados apontam que o aspecto laico do estado brasileiro - que tem no pluralismo seu fundamento, e assegura a todos o direito de exercer seus direitos políticos, sem discriminação por motivos de origem, raça, cor, sexo, crença religiosa -, é limitador da influência religiosa nas decisões que atingem toda a coletividade. Religion contributes to the debate on issues that are important to society, favoring the State to structure rules applicable to the community. However, if the religious beliefs of a given group start to suit as the only basic parameter for decision-making with general affectation, an individual assumption is seen applied to the collective eventually without actually having a place and importance to all people, which it favors only the group from which such belief emerged. Thus, the problem that arises, and that drives this study, involves secularism as an eventual limit to the performance of religious groups in the public sphere, understood for the purposes of this study as state power. The objectives of the analysis involve - based on the presupposition of state secularity, relative to the absence of an official state religion - to analyze whether this secularity is a limiting factor in the performance of religious groups in power. For this, the secular state and the secular state are conceptualized, and on the constitutionally foreseen religious freedom, guarantees and limits of action of the religious movements in the exercise of public functions stand out. The methodology used is bibliographical, and follows the structure of fundamental rights, with a view to a relationship with human rights. The results show that the secular aspect of the Brazilian state - which has pluralism as its foundation, and ensures everyone the right to exercise their political rights, without discrimination for reasons of origin, race, color, sex, religious belief -, is limiting the religious influence in decisions that affect the whole community.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-204
Author(s):  
Wayne Hope

The arrival of this book last November (2006) was a landmark event for political journalism in New Zealand. There had been rumours about exposé of National Party links with the Exclusive Brethren sect and wealthy corporate donors.  This kind of journalism is rarely attempted within New zealand's mainstream media organisations. Consequently, the public sphere is routinely shaped by the market researchers, public relations practitioners and micro-managing spin doctors. The reception accorded to Hager's book illustrates this process. 


Author(s):  
Julie A. Gallagher

This chapter covers the dynamic period of the 1910s and 1920s in New York City. During these years black women from various backgrounds, native New Yorkers and new arrivals alike, including Anna Arnold Hedgeman, Irene Moorman Blackstone, and Ruth Whitehead Whaley, stepped into the public sphere to fight for economic, social, and political rights. The chapter explores how these and other African American women viewed and tried to use the various branches of government in their grassroots and their formal political efforts, and the implications of their work on their communities, on New York's political machinery, on black women's collective struggles for equality, and on themselves.


Kurios ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Jeniffer Pelupessy Wowor

This article highlights the issue of radicalism that is rife in Indonesia today. Deradicalization is seen as an effort that can be taken to overcome this problem. This paper presents the realization of this strategy from Christian Education's perspective. A qualitative approach through analysis of written materials in literature study is presented in this paper. In particular, the research results from the discourse analysis study of news papers that have been carried out previously are used along with some supporting works of literature to complement the required analysis data. Jack L. Seymour's ideas about the importance of a holistic approach in Christian Education, including a faith community approach, instructional and missional, are the theoretical basis in this paper. These three approaches are correlated with the concept of public theology. As a result, Christian education for encouraging people in the public sphere has become a transformational approach to present the benefits of faith education in the public sphere, primarily to support the deradicalization process. Abstrak Tulisan ini menyoroti persoalan radikalisme yang marak di Indonesia saat ini. Deradikalisasi dipandang sebagai salah satu upaya yang dapat ditempuh dalam mengatasi persoalan ini. Tulisan ini mengetengahkan realisasi dari strategi ini dalam perspektif Pendidikan Kristiani. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif melalui jenis penelitian literatur, analisis bahan tertulis dipaparkan dalam tulisan ini. Secara khusus hasil penelitian dari kajian analisis wacana atas surat kabar yang telah dilakukan sebelumnya beserta tambahan beberapa literatur penunjang disuguhkan untuk melengkapi data analisis. Gagasan Jack L. Seymour tentang pentingnya pendekatan holistik dalam Pendidikan Kristiani yang meliputi pendekatan komunitas iman, instruksional dan misi menjadi landasan teori dalam tulisan ini. Ketiga pendekatan ini dikorelasikan dengan kajian teologi publik. Hasilnya, partisipasi pendidikan Kristiani di ruang publik menjadi sebuah bentuk pendekatan transformasional dalam upaya untuk menghadirkan manfaat pendidikan iman pada ruang publik, khususnya dalam menunjang proses deradikalisasi.


Chronologia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 12-27
Author(s):  
Silvy Mei Pradita

The discourse on the role of women never ends up talking. Women as actors in domestic work or their roles in the public sphere are not long debated, become discussions everywhere. One of them is about the women's movement. A movement created by women activists whose task is to promote the position of women. Step by step taken by women figures on the trajectory of history proves that Indonesian women have truly laid the foundation of women in the name of social justice. This research aims to make the understanding of history as the foundation for women who are active today in fighting for social and political rights. The research method used is the historical method. The result is that the movement of women from the end of the 19th century to the most recent one has been fluctuating or tidal. The strong waves raised by female figures in voicing women's rights in all fields were born from gender injustice. Therefore, Indonesian women leaders have given an example, women today have the responsibility to continue the struggle.   Abstrak Diskursus mengenai peran perempuan tidak pernah habis dibicarakan. Perempuan sebagai aktor pekerjaan domestik ataupun perannya di ruang publik tidak usang diperdebatkan, dijadikan wacana diskusi di mana-mana. Salah satunya mengenai pergerakan perempuan. Gerakan yang diciptakan para aktivis perempuan secara mendasar bertujuan untuk mengangkat posisi perempuan. Langkah demi langkah yang dilakukan para tokoh perempuan pada lintasan sejarah membuktikan bahwa perempuan Indonesia bersungguh-sungguh meletakkan dasar pergerakan perempuan atas nama kemanusiaan dan keadilan sosial. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjadikan pemahaman sejarah sebagai landasan pergerakan perempuan di masa sekarang dalam memperjuangkan hak-hak sosial dan politik. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode historis. Hasilnya adalah pergerakan perempuan sejak akhir abad 19 sampai yang paling mutakhir bersifat fluktuatif atau pasang surut. Gelombang kencang yang diembuskan para tokoh perempuan dalam menyuarakan hak perempuan dalam segala bidang lahir dari ketidakadilan gender. Maka dari itu, para tokoh perempuan Indonesia telah mencontohkan, perempuan hari ini punya tanggung jawab melanjutkan perjuangan.


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