scholarly journals Laicidade, gênero e suas implicações no Estado Democrático de Direito: A necessidade de uma ecologia integral | Laicity, gender and their implications for the Democratic Rule of Law: The need for an integral ecology

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Daiana Allessi Nicoletti Alves ◽  
Wanessa Assunção Ramos

Em 10 de julho de 2019, Jair Messias Bolsonaro disse: “Muitos tentam nos deixar de lado dizendo que o estado é laico. O estado é laico, mas nós somos cristãos. (...) Por isso, o meu compromisso: poderei indicar dois ministros para o Supremo Tribunal Federal. Um deles será terrivelmente evangélico”. O tema do presente artigo, portanto, é o estado laico na República Federativa do Brasil diante do incitamento político de algumas religiões em detrimento de outras e a notória influência histórica que algumas crenças apresentam com relação ao aspecto do gênero. O objetivo geral é analisar como a violação ao estado laico influencia nas questões do gênero feminino e, consequentemente, viola o Estado Democrático de Direito. Para tanto, os objetivos específicos são: a) analisar o Estado Democrático de Direito e o princípio do estado laico; b) analisar os requisitos para compor o Supremo Tribunal Federal; e c) analisar a influência de crenças religiosas com relação ao gênero feminino. A metodologia a ser utilizada é de pesquisa qualitativa, por intermédio de um método indutivo com análise documental. A presente pesquisa apresentou como resultado a violação ao Estado Democrático de Direito, em 2019, acerca da laicidade do estado, que feriu diferentes princípios constitucionais. On July 10, 2019 Jair Messias Bolsonaro said: “Many try to leave us aside saying that the state is secular. The state is secular, but we are Christians. (...) Therefore, my commitment: I will be able to appoint two ministers to the Federal Supreme Court. One of them will be terribly evangelical.” The theme of this article, therefore, is the secular state in the Federative Republic of Brazil, in view of the political incitement of some religions to the detriment of others, and the notorious historical influence that some beliefs have in relation to the aspect of gender. The general objective is to analyze how the violation of the secular state influences women's issues and, consequently, violates the Democratic Rule of Law. Therefore, the specific objectives are: a) to analyze the Democratic Rule of Law and the principle of the secular state; b) analyze the requirements to compose the Federal Supreme Court; and c) analyze the influence of religious beliefs regarding the female gender. The methodology to be used is qualitative research, through an inductive method with document analysis. The present research presented as a result the violation of the Democratic Rule of Law, in 2019, concerning the secularity of the state, that hurt different constitutional principles.

Author(s):  
Vasyl Sirenko

The article covers the issues of preventing and combating corruption in the judiciary. It is noted that corruption in the judiciaryharms the state the most, because law and order in the state and society depend on the proper functioning in this area. The existence ofa democratic, rule-of-law and social state is impossible without a fair and objective court. Bribery should be considered the essentialbasis of corruption. By its social nature, corruption is a biological and social phenomenon.The author’s vision of combating corruption in courts is based on the theory of interest, as corruption in its formation and realizationuses the same mechanism as interest. Questioning who benefits from corruption in courts, the author believes that it is supportedby those who seek to satisfy their needs and interests through the acts of corruption of judges.The most effective means of combating corruption in courts should be the detection of a corruption judgement through the systemof control and the inevitability of punishment for acts of corruption.It is argued that eradicating corruption in courts will contribute to the introduction of precedent character of the Supreme Courtdecisions and the introduction of a revision form of appeal against judgements. Guided by a precedent decision, a judge will not be ableto legitimize arbitrariness. It is proposed to create special structures endowed with the rights of the Plenum of the Supreme Court todevelop precedent decisions on certain categories of cases in various branches of law.Emphasis is placed on the weak development in effective legislation of Ukraine of the mechanism of legal liability of judges, theimperfection of the means of detecting illegal judgements made by specific judges; the lack of tools for prompt response to judges’offenses.It is noted that the institution of judicial unlimited term of office has largely contributed to the formation of corruption in courts.Only a system of justice making a judge dependent on mandatory requirements for a particular offense can help eradicate corruption incourts. The precedent character of decisions of the Supreme Court must be an integral element of such a system. Such a system hasbeen tested for decades in other countries. It can become an effective anti-corruption program for combating corruption in Ukrainianjudiciary.


1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


1999 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Gavison

A discussion of the role of courts in Israel today demands some introductory remarks. The Supreme Court and the President of the Supreme Court enjoy great acclaim and respect within Israel and abroad, but have recently come under attack from a variety of sources. These attacks are often confused, and many of them are clearly motivated by narrow partisan interests and an inherent objection to the rule of law and judicial review. But these motives do not necessarily weaken the dangers which the attacks pose to the legitimacy of the courts in general, and the Supreme Court in particular, in Israel's public life. The fact that in some sectors extremely harsh criticism of the court is seen to be an electoral boost, testifies to the serious and dangerous nature of the threat. This situation creates a dilemma for those who want a strong and independent judiciary, believing it is essential for freedom and democracy, but who also believe that, during the last two decades, the courts have transgressed limits they should respect. The dilemma becomes especially acute when the political echo sounds out in one's criticism, and when one is part of the group that believes that the legal and the judicial systems have made some contribution to the prevalence of these hyperbolic and dangerous attacks, as I am.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 293-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry Diamond

Violence and Social Orders: A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History (Cambridge 2009) offers a theory of the evolution of the modern state and an even more ambitious framework “for interpreting recorded human history.” The book raises fundamental questions about the political structuring of violence, the functions of the rule of law, and the establishment and maintenance of political order. In doing so, it speaks to a range of political scientists from a variety of methodological and subfield perspectives. We have thus invited four prominent political science scholars of violence and politics to comment on the book: Jack Snyder, Caroline Hartzell, Jean Bethke Elshtain, and Larry Diamond.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 198-203
Author(s):  
Adilet Merkanov ◽  

Nowadays in Kyrgyz Republic take a place huge reforms of prosecutors. The implementation of national projects requires a new quality of prosecutorial oversight so that the human rights and law enforcement potential of the prosecutor’s office really contributes to the development of a democratic rule of law. The prosecutor's office as one of the state legal institutions plays an extremely important role in the public and state life of the Kyrgyz Republic. As you know, the successful implementation of socio-economic and socio-political transformations in the state largely depends on existing laws, the observance of which the prosecutor's office is called upon to monitor.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


Author(s):  
David Polizzi

The phenomenology of solitary and supermax confinement reflects what Giorgio Agamben has defined as the state of exception. The state of exception is defined as the blurring of the legal and political order, which constructs a zone of indifference for those forced to endure this situation. This notion of the state of exception can be applied to the zone of indifference created by the Supreme Court, which seems unwilling to outlaw this harmful practice relative to 8th Amendment protections prohibiting cruel and unusual punishment and the political order which is all too inclined to continue use strategy. One of the central aspects of this “ecology of harm”, is the way in which the very structures of this type of confinement, helps to invite and legitimize abusive attitudes and behaviors in penitentiary staff.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 287-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Snyder

Violence and Social Orders: A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History (Cambridge 2009) offers a theory of the evolution of the modern state and an even more ambitious framework “for interpreting recorded human history.” The book raises fundamental questions about the political structuring of violence, the functions of the rule of law, and the establishment and maintenance of political order. In doing so, it speaks to a range of political scientists from a variety of methodological and subfield perspectives. We have thus invited four prominent political science scholars of violence and politics to comment on the book: Jack Snyder, Caroline Hartzell, Jean Bethke Elshtain, and Larry Diamond.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Verónica Elías

This article employs the concept of “bureaucratic authoritarianism” (O’Donnell, 1978, 1988) to evaluate whether the character of Argentine bureaucracy has changed in the shift from dictatorial to democratic rule. A brief discussion about the political and administrative history of that country follows the characterization of bureaucratic authoritarianism in light of accountability and clientelism (Fox, 2000; Smulovitz & Peruzzotti, 2000, 2003). This article explores the possibility of bureaucratic legitimacy in Argentina through the enforcement of the rule of law, the system of checks and balances, and the fair treatment of citizens.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (73) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon Victor de Queiroz Barbosa ◽  
Ernani Carvalho

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article deals with the Supreme Federal Court’s empowerment trajectory, exploring exogenous variables in order to explain what made the Supreme Court so institutionally powerful, and how it happened. After the classic studies on the global expansion of the judicial power, that pointed to a myriad of causes as a result of the phenomenon, several recent researches have indicated the political-party fragmentation as the main cause of judicial empowerment. Seeking to corroborate these analyses, the present work analyzes the institutional empowerment of the Brazilian Judiciary from 1945 to 2015, testing the hypothesis the greater the party fragmentation, more institutional power the STF holds. Materials and Methods: As a dependent variable, a synthetic indicator was created to measure the institutional power of the Federal Supreme Court year by year. The independent variables measure the party composition of the Chamber of Deputies annually for the same period. In addition to these variables, other measures were imported from the V-Dem database. For this analysis, simple linear, generalized linear and multinomial models were used. Results: We identified significant impact of party fragmentation on institutional empowerment of the Supreme Court. In all tests, party fragmentation increased the chances of institutional empowerment of the Brazilian judiciary. Discussion: The exogenous reforms that generated this empowerment took place with the support of the Executive and the leniency of the Legislative, transforming the Brazilian Supreme Court into the Queen of the Chess.


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