Consociationalism, Party Organization and Adaptation: the Austrian Party System and the Challenge of Post-Industrialism

<p>In October 1999, the political situation of the Second Republic of Austria changed with the centre-right Osterreichische Volkspartei (Austrian Peoples Party, OVP) coming in second place in the general elections for the Nationalrat (National Assembly) to the farright, populist Freiheitlische Partei Osterreichs (Freedom Party of Austria, FPO), resulting in an FPO-OVP coalition government. This outcome was the culmination of a gradual decline in the vote share for the centre-left Sozialdemokratische Partei Osterreichs (Social Democratic Party of Austria, SPO) and the OVP which began with the 1986 general elections. This situation was unprecedented in not only post-war Austria, but also in post-war Europe. Nowhere else had the far-right achieved such impressive electoral successes, let alone been in government. Why was it possible for a new far-right party to be so electorally successful in Austria? This thesis joins a growing body of literature that looks inside party organisations to understand parties' relative capacities to respond to changes in their environment. It demonstrates that, at least in one case, it is unwise to assume that parties behave like unitary actors that rationally seek electoral goals. This is because institutional rules inside parties privilege some interests in internal power games, shaping whether and how the party responds to changes in the composition of interests in the electorate. The response of the Austrian party system to the 'post-industrial' transformation of Austrian society provides a good opportunity to observe the impact of organisation on party adaptation to environmental change. The post-war 'consociational' organisation of the OVP and the SPO entrenched the power of economic interest groups--labour unions, business associations and farmers--within each party organisation and, through them, in policymaking. This so-called Proporz system provided a reasonable reflection of the composition of social interests in post-war society. It also responded to the challenges to Austrian democracy in the post-war environment. However, it proved extremely rigid in the face of changing Austrian society. Institutional rigidity within the post-war Austrian party system proved ill-suited to confront the challenges of post-industrial transformation. Social transformation in Austria was not unlike that which had occurred throughout all advanced industrial democracies. It undermined traditional class-mass constituencies, such as blue collar workers, farmers and small business, while creating a new and largely white collar pool of voters. Orthodox conceptions of party change would assume that parties adapt automatically to such changes in voter concerns. The SPO and OVP responded to these changes, at best, slow and half-heartedly. This provided an opportunity for the FPO to target with little competition. It was the entrenched economic interests within the SPO and OVP prevented these parties from offering a credible challenge to the FPO for these voters.</p>

Consociationalism, Party Organization and Adaptation: the Austrian Party System and the Challenge of Post-Industrialism

<p>In October 1999, the political situation of the Second Republic of Austria changed with the centre-right Osterreichische Volkspartei (Austrian Peoples Party, OVP) coming in second place in the general elections for the Nationalrat (National Assembly) to the farright, populist Freiheitlische Partei Osterreichs (Freedom Party of Austria, FPO), resulting in an FPO-OVP coalition government. This outcome was the culmination of a gradual decline in the vote share for the centre-left Sozialdemokratische Partei Osterreichs (Social Democratic Party of Austria, SPO) and the OVP which began with the 1986 general elections. This situation was unprecedented in not only post-war Austria, but also in post-war Europe. Nowhere else had the far-right achieved such impressive electoral successes, let alone been in government. Why was it possible for a new far-right party to be so electorally successful in Austria? This thesis joins a growing body of literature that looks inside party organisations to understand parties' relative capacities to respond to changes in their environment. It demonstrates that, at least in one case, it is unwise to assume that parties behave like unitary actors that rationally seek electoral goals. This is because institutional rules inside parties privilege some interests in internal power games, shaping whether and how the party responds to changes in the composition of interests in the electorate. The response of the Austrian party system to the 'post-industrial' transformation of Austrian society provides a good opportunity to observe the impact of organisation on party adaptation to environmental change. The post-war 'consociational' organisation of the OVP and the SPO entrenched the power of economic interest groups--labour unions, business associations and farmers--within each party organisation and, through them, in policymaking. This so-called Proporz system provided a reasonable reflection of the composition of social interests in post-war society. It also responded to the challenges to Austrian democracy in the post-war environment. However, it proved extremely rigid in the face of changing Austrian society. Institutional rigidity within the post-war Austrian party system proved ill-suited to confront the challenges of post-industrial transformation. Social transformation in Austria was not unlike that which had occurred throughout all advanced industrial democracies. It undermined traditional class-mass constituencies, such as blue collar workers, farmers and small business, while creating a new and largely white collar pool of voters. Orthodox conceptions of party change would assume that parties adapt automatically to such changes in voter concerns. The SPO and OVP responded to these changes, at best, slow and half-heartedly. This provided an opportunity for the FPO to target with little competition. It was the entrenched economic interests within the SPO and OVP prevented these parties from offering a credible challenge to the FPO for these voters.</p>

Artistic means of representation of sociocultural issues in the works of Thomas Bernhard

The article is devoted to sociocultural issues in the works of Thomas Bernhard, the Austrian writer and the playwright of the twentieth century. Born in 1931, the eyewitnesses of nazi transformations, Thomas was too young to resist them. The period of his personal formation was marked by the drams of a more personal, family character, which, nevertheless, later, the writer will always feel as closely associated with the historical destinies of the country and the world. His own childhood and adolescence, dramatic and traumatic, become for the writer permanent source of dramatic literary plots, the main characters of which will be confused, desperate people, losers and travels, unable to cope with the challenges of fate. In this case, the fiction in his works is often almost impossible to separate from the introduced autobiographical material. The numerous works of Bernhard demonstrate the Austrian mass consciousness, full of shame, guilt, disgust to yourself, escapism. Bernhard shows an acutely critical attitude towards the Austrian society and the state that did not get rid of the Nazi past. However, the writer does not declare his social views directly and unequivocally. Special inaccessibility and hints are much more characteristic of his prose. As a result of the analysis of the most striking works by Bernhard (“Frost”, “The Loser”, “Amras”, “Old masters”, “Yes”, “Correction”, “The Lime Works”, “Beton”, “Gargoyles”) some typical artistic techniques are identified — autobiographical reception, eccentricity, monologism (as a symbol of loneliness, removal, isolation from society, acute individualism and even sociophobia), emotional saturation (the spectrum of emotions is monotonous: most often it is deep disappointment, sadness and grief, anxiety and a cured fear), mosaic of narration, motivation of the reader to joint, “interactive” reflection and independent conclusions, some techniques of “musicalization” of literary text.

Induction of Labour. Guideline of the DGGG, OEGGG and SGGG (S2k, AWMF Registry No. 015-088, December 2020)

Aim The aim of this official guideline published and coordinated by the German Society of Gynaecology and Obstetrics (DGGG) in cooperation with the Austrian Society of Gynaecology and Obstetrics (OEGGG) and the Swiss Society of Gynaecology and Obstetrics (SGGG) is to provide a consensus-based overview of the indications, methods and general management of induction of labour by evaluating the relevant literature. Methods This S2k guideline was developed using a structured consensus process which included representative members from various professions; the guideline was commissioned by the guidelines commission of the DGGG, OEGGG and SGGG. Recommendations The guideline provides recommendations on the indications, management, methods, monitoring and special situations occurring in the context of inducing labour.

Capital sexual y desamor en la trilogía del paraíso de Ulrich Seidl=Sexual Capital and Heartbreak in the Paradise Trilogy of Ulrich Seidl

<p align="left"><strong>Resumen</strong></p><p>En el presente artículo tratamos de mostrar la necesidad de una lectura de la agencia femenina desde una perspectiva multidimensional que atienda a la intersección de la cuestión de género con otras variables relacionadas con la nacionalidad, la clase social, la edad, etc. En este sentido, la obra del director austríaco Ulrich Seidl permite vislumbrar, en su trilogía <em>Paraíso</em> (2012-2013), la complejidad que acompaña a la posición de las mujeres en la sociedad austríaca contemporánea como reflejo de un occidente en decadencia. Para establecer una lectura crítica de los discursos sobre la capacidad de decisión y acción de las protagonistas respecto a cuestiones como la sexualidad y el amor contenidos en esta trilogía, partiremos de la teoría del capital sexual tardomoderno propuesta por las sociólogas Eva Illouz y Dana Kaplan, así como de las teorías sociológicas sobre el amor de la primera autora citada.</p><p align="left"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>In this article we show the need for a reading of female agency from a multidimensional perspective that addresses the intersection of the gender issue with other variables related to nationality, social class, age, etc. In this sense, the work of the Austrian director Ulrich Seidl allows us to glimpse, in his Paradise Trilogy (2012-2013), the complexity that accompanies the position of women in contemporary Austrian society as a reflection of a West in decline. To establish a critical reading of the discourses on the decision-making and action capacity of the protagonists regarding issues such as sexuality and love contained in this trilogy, we will start from the theory of late modern sexual capital proposed by the sociologists Eva Illouz and Dana Kaplan as well as the sociological theories on love of the first cited author.</p>

Diagnosis and Treatment of Endometriosis. Guideline of the DGGG, SGGG and OEGGG (S2k Level, AWMF Registry Number 015/045, August 2020)

Aims The aim of this official guideline published and coordinated by the German Society of Gynaecology and Obstetrics (DGGG) in cooperation with the Austrian Society for Gynaecology and Obstetrics (OEGGG) and the Swiss Society for Gynaecology and Obstetrics (SGGG) was to provide consensus-based recommendations for the diagnosis and treatment of endometriosis based on an evaluation of the relevant literature. Methods This S2k guideline represents the structured consensus of a representative panel of experts with different professional backgrounds commissioned by the Guideline Committee of the DGGG, OEGGG and SGGG. Recommendations Recommendations on the epidemiology, aetiology, classification, symptomatology, diagnosis and treatment of endometriosis are given and special situations are discussed.