economic power
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Encyclopedia ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-139
Author(s):  
Čedomila Marinković

King Stefan Uroš II Milutin Nemanjić (1282—Donje Nerodimlje, October 29, 1321) was a Serbian medieval king, the seventh ruler of the Serbian Nemanide dynasty, the son of King Stefan Uroš I (r. 1243–1276) and Queen Helen Nemanjić (see), the brother of the King Stefan Dragutin (r. 1276–1282) and the father of King Stefan Dečanski (r. 1322–1331). Together with his great grandfather Stefan Nemanja, the founder of the Nemanide dynasty, and his grandson, Emperor Stefan Uroš IV Dušan, King Milutin is considered the most powerful ruler of the Nemanide dynasty. The long and successful military breach of King Milutin, down the Vardar River Valley and deep into the Byzantine territories, represents the beginning of Serbian expansion into southeastern Europe, making it the dominant political power in the Balkan region in the 14th century. During that period, Serbian economic power grew rapidly, mostly because of the development of trading and mining. King Milutin founded Novo Brdo, an internationally important silver mining site. He started minting his own money, producing imitations of Venetian coins (grosso), which gradually diminished in value. This led to the ban of these coins by the Republic of Venice and provided King Milutin a place in Dante’s Divina Commedia. King Milutin had a specific philoktesia fervor: He built or renovated over three dozen Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries not only in Serbia but also in Thessaloniki, Mt. Athos, Constantinople and The Holy Land. Over fifteen of his portraits can be found in the monumental painting ensembles of Serbian medieval monasteries as well as on two icons.


Author(s):  
Francie Cate-Arries

I reexamine the Spanish Transition in terms of the interventions that cartoonists in the 1970s used to lay bare the machinations of the old regime still in power. Specifically, I analyze Carlos Giménez’s España, Una, Grande y Libre series, an exemplary counter-narrative against the dominant discourse produced by post-Franco government officials and economic power brokers. This collection—which denounces state-sanctioned violence and champions popular mobilizations in the name of a more just society—is also a pioneering work that makes visible the victims of the long-silenced crimes of Francoism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 51-55
Author(s):  
Mateusz Rozmiarek

The IV Winter Olympics in Garmisch-Partenkirchen (Ga-Pa) are regarded by researchers as a test stage for the international demonstration of the German Reich’s economic power in relation to the Games of the XI Olympiad in Berlin, which were organized half a year later. Through the Games, Adolf Hitler sought to test all of his resources and means, thereby testing the country’s readiness to host another major sporting event. Despite numerous controversies related to the intense exposition of Nazi politics and anti-Semitism, the Olympic Games were remembered among the international public as a professionally organized event, among others thanks to the modern and extremely functional sports facilities of the time. The aim of this paper is to characterize the Olympic legacy of Ga- Pa, which due to its numerous remnants and nowadays well-maintained historical sports base contributes to the development of sports tourism in Germany. This account is briefl y preceded by an account of the preparation and course of the IV Winter Olympics.


Author(s):  
Douver dos Santos Cruz

This article arises from the need to clarify the field of heritage preservation and conservation at the beginning of the 21st century, especially in central areas and historic cities. We went through this reflection in the face of the expressive homogenization of places and mischaracterizations of the landscapes produced with artificial interventions aimed at exploratory tourism, which directly reflect on the loss of the identity of urban heritage and, more ambitiously, with the cities-commodity in large cities, through management of urbanism with new contemporary interventions. The process of patrimonialization of historic cities is seen here from two distant angles in time, space, territory, culture and history, but they reflect the same repercussions for the city: scenography and gentrification, as is the case in Brazil, in Pelourinho in the city of Salvador, in 1992, and Portuguese, in the Quarteirão das Cardosas, in Porto, in 2009. With this, we were able to further question and denounce some perversions in architecture, the result of these economic speculations, which see facade renovation works as useful, that rip apart the entire interior of the heritage, neglecting the entire authentic experience of the city and demonstrate the perversions in the community in the face of the gentrification process, where landscape is transformed giving material form to the difference between cultural and economic power. We believe that it is possible to demonstrate in time to society, which is in constant threat of globalization, that heritage needs to be urgently recovered in order to remain on the continuum of life.


2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (38) ◽  
pp. 22-36
Author(s):  
Alicja Paluch ◽  
Henryk Spustek

The national power can be considered in a static and dynamic aspect as well. This applies to all dimensions of the national power, both military and non-military, including the economic one presented in this article. The national power, treated in a static sense as one of the leading features of the state and estimated over a given period, can only be descriptive. On the other hand, it gains a new dimension in a dynamic sense that consists in the possibility of developing the research into a prognostic area. Therefore, this approach to the issue of the national power has been presented here. The research hypothesis is that on the basis of available statistical data it is possible to construct a verifiable dynamic descriptive model of the national economic power, which enables comparative analyses of the group of selected countries. The research took advantage of statistical methods of selecting variables for linear models and methods of system analysis, including multi-criteria, taxonomic method of comparative analysis. Analyses that have been performed allowed to create a dynamic descriptive model of the national power in the economic sphere. The constructed model was positively verified based on the available figures for the selected group of countries. The conducted calculations suggest that it is possible to use this model for further analyses of the national power in the economic sphere.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Perry ◽  
Silvia Borzutzky

This article argues that gender inequality, which in Chile is superimposed on a societal and economic structure characterized by deep inequalities that cut across every aspect of society, has been sustained by a political and legal system that has severely limited women’s access to economic power and equality. The neoliberal policies implemented by the Pinochet dictatorship and maintained by the democratically elected regimes after 1990—generally characterized as an elitist democracy—have sustained this pattern of inequality. We argue that this gender inequality gave urgency to the regeneration and evolution of Chile’s feminist movement and drove the movement to develop claims against “the precarity of life,” uniting Chileans in a common struggle, contributing to the October 2019 “social explosion” and now the writing of a new constitution. We believe the current climate is rooted in the social mobilization that was the response to Chile’s economic and political system, and the feminist movement’s ability to put the rights of women at the forefront of the political and socio‐economic agenda. In conclusion, we reevaluate the current climate to consider what a significant feminist presence means and how women can be effectively included and benefit from Chile’s economy and influence its progress.


Author(s):  
Antonio José Pagán Sánchez

In 2020, humanity witnessed with perplexity the expansion of the largest pandemic outbreak in the last century. The coronavirus crisis would have tragic effects on society and healthcare throughout the world, but its consequences go far beyond these two areas. In the field of international relations, the pandemic has impacted the balance of power between the United States and China, whose relationship was already facing rising tensions. While the former was unable to control the spread of the virus in its territory, the second managed to curb it after the initial bewilderment. In order to evaluate the impact of COVID-19 on the balance of power between both countries, this paper will focus on three areas: economic power, ideological power, and international maneuverability. The results indicate that China has been relatively favored, but also that the United States still has opportunities to preserve its international leadership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-95
Author(s):  
Isadora Santos ◽  
João Paulo Angelo Vasconcelos

The scope of this article is to study Competition Law and establish its conception in and for contemporaneity, based on which the Brazilian System for the Defense of Competition will be analyzed. Given its analytical and critical conception, the work is carried out according to the deductive method, without forgetting the use of the hermeneutic-dialectic approach. After analyzing some instruments considered adequate to repress cartelization, the study clarifies the nuances that permeate it from the perspective of the Competition Defense Law. Understood, in contemporary times, as an instrument for the implementation of public policies aimed at safeguarding free competition, the repression of the abuse of economic power and the pursuit of anti-competitive offenses, the Brazilian Antitrust Law structured a system of dual protection of competition - control of structures and conduct - and, by authorizing CADE to enter into agreements with infringing economic agents, it ensured the use of effective instruments for proving illegal practices, repression- punishment and prevention, especially with regard to cartels.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Kheira Bedjaoui ◽  
Yousef Abu Amrieh

The paper aims at reading Mamduh Adwan’s play Hamlet Wakes up Late (1978) from a Marxist perspective to broadly examine how life under a Capitalist system along with its foreign investments and trading services can easily destroy the political, social as well as the cultural surroundings of a certain nation. Throughout his play, Adwan brilliantly adapts Shakespeare and offers a Marxist point of view to comment on how the West continues to dominate the East with its economic power. Importantly, in employing Shakespeare’s portrayal of Hamlet as a tragic hero, Adwan uses him as a dramatic archetype to comment on one of the Shakespearean’s famous political quotes “something is rotten in the state of Denmark”. Seen from this perspective, the paper will read Adwan’s play from a Marxist viewpoint to demonstrate how he has in fact used Hamlet’s lack of intellectualism to criticize the Syrian policy of “The Six Day War” defeat to Israel.


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