Mobile, Alabama’s Joe Cain Procession

This article investigates the contradictions that characterize Mobile, Alabama’s Joe Cain Day celebration. We look at the official narratives that established Mobile’s Mardi Gras origin myths and the event’s tradition invention in 1967 with a People’s Parade centered around Cain’s redface character, Chief Slacabamorinico. Then we discuss the complicated and ever-evolving symbolism surrounding the character by discussing more recent iterations of this public performance. In its inception, the Joe Cain celebration was a clear example of Lost Cause nostalgia, yet it has been adopted, adapted, and embraced by historically marginalized people who use it as a way to claim their space in the festivities. Employing both historical and ethnographic research, we show that carnival can simultaneously be a space for defiance and reaffirmation of social hierarchies and exclusionary discourses. We discuss here some of the concrete material elements that lend this public performance its white supremacist subtext, but we also want to complicate the definition of “materiality” by claiming a procession as a Confederate monument/memorial.

Genesis and Exodus as Conceptually Independent, Competing Origin Myths?

Against Konrad Schmid’s thesis that the pre-P ancestral and Exodus traditions existed as competing origin myths that were conceptually independent from each other, this article argues that this conceptual independence is difficult to prove in the context of the ancient Israelites’ oral-written culture. Moreover, societal negotiation about the past should not be misconstrued as a sign of traditions’ conceptual independence. Competition between origin stories, or selective emphasis on one story over another, does not indicate their conceptual independence.

“As a City on a Hill”

These curricula proudly distinguish themselves from other histories of America; they intend, as the Abeka textbook puts it, to offer “uplifting history texts,” allowing students to understand “its traditional values.” This chapter explores these curricula’s commitment to providential history as English colonies founded the Christian nation. This story of unquestionable religious fervor and Christian virtue relies on nineteenth-century national origin myths. The chapter explores the central arguments used to make this case. They reject Jamestown because the colony adopted the unchristian practice of sharing goods and was no model of virtue. They point to the Massachusetts colonies as the establishment of a Christian city on a hill and herald the Mayflower Compact as the source of the subsequent founding documents of the new nation. They disparage or exclude other colonies and native peoples.

The Christian Nation

This chapter begins with the question posed by a historian to the American Historical Association member forum, “Why do my students think America was founded as a Christian nation?” It explores how these curricula sustain crucial elements of that narrative by denying the influence of the Enlightenment and by making crucial claims about the founding: the Declaration of Independence defined a Christian nation; the American Revolution was either a Christian cause or not a revolution at all; and the Constitution, though silent on religion, nonetheless confirmed the intent of unquestionably Christian founders to establish a Christian nation. The chapter also highlights the nuanced work of historians of religion on these questions to show that such arguments contradict the historical consensus, are unduly simplistic, and are rooted in national origin myths.

Anti-Fascism, Anti-Communism, and Memorial Cultures

The International Brigades were volunteer military units that fought for the Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1938. Some 40,000-45,000 men fought in the International Brigades as an act of anti-Fascism, international solidarity, and national preservation. Although many historians have examined the volunteer soldiers’ motivations, wartime experiences, and reintegration into their home societies on a national basis, there has not yet been a global study of veteran reintegration and memorial culture. This global comparative study demonstrates that a state’s acceptance or rejection of their Brigade veterans was dictated by a global anti-Fascist and anti-Communist divide. In nations that underwent an ideological shift from anti-Fascism to anti-Communism after World War II, the veterans were repressed as potential threats and denied access to state-sponsored memory. In response to this exclusion, the veterans created their own memorial cultures. In nations that retained or renewed their commitment to anti-Fascism, the veterans were welcomed into the pantheon of state heroes as these states incorporated the Brigades into their national origin myths.

The Origin Myths of Computing in Historical Research

This chapter outlines the multiple origin myths of “digital” historical research, arguing that social science inspired cliometricians and linguistically inclined humanities computing scholars working on textual collections were both using computers from the mid-twentieth century, but with very different intellectual agendas and only occasionally crossing paths. With the rise of mass digitization in the 1990s, both groups inspired a new generation of “digital” historians who worked to unlock the potential of the newly digitized archives. Wrestling with practical and intellectual challenges ranging from poor-quality transcription to dealing with incomplete data, this group generated new knowledge and answered new questions such as “what do you do with a million books?” but were not necessarily contributing directly to the existing conversations of the historiography

Hindutva Past and Present

This essay outlines the beginnings of Hindutva, a political movement aimed at establishing rule by the Hindu majority. It describes the origin myths of Aryan supremacy that Hindutva has developed, alongside the campaign to build a temple on the supposed birthplace of Ram, as well as the re-writing of history. These characteristics suggest that it is a far-right fundamentalist movement, in accordance with the definition of fundamentalism proposed by Feminist Dissent. Finally, it outlines Hindutva’s ‘re-imagining’ of secularism and its violent campaigns against those it labels as ‘outsiders’ to its constructed imaginary of India. Keywords: Hindutva, fundamentalism, secularism