Stuck in a Time Warp? The Great Recession and the Socio-occupational Integration of Migrants in Spain

This article examines the socio-occupational integration of the immigrant population in Spain for a time span that, for the first time, includes the post-crisis period. Using the Spanish Labour Force Survey and conducting a socio-occupational analysis, we predict the probability that a migrant would be employed in one socio-occupational class over another in three periods: before, during and after the crisis. Our main research questions are as follows: (1) To what extent do migrants tend to be located in certain socio-occupational classes? (2) To what extent does the likelihood of belonging to a certain socio-occupational class differ according to immigrants’ places of origin? (3) Can differences be found in the likelihood of belonging to a certain socio-occupational class according to the places of origin before, during and after the Great Recession? The results show a very unequal distribution of immigrants in the socio-occupational structure according to their origin. While immigrants from Schengen Europe and North America are better located in the occupational structure, those from Eastern Europe and Africa are over-represented in the lower socio-occupational classes.

Factors Related to Psychological Well-Being as Moderated by Occupational Class in Korean Self-Employed Workers

We examined factors related to the psychological well-being of self-employed workers in Korea, and the moderation of these effects by occupational class. This secondary analysis examined the data of 14,454 self-employed individuals from the fifth Korean Working Conditions Survey (2017). In all occupational classes, psychological well-being score was greater in women, and increased with monthly income and the frequency of working at very high speed; there were lower mean scores in those who became self-employed out of necessity rather than personal choice; in addition, the score decreased as the number of musculoskeletal symptoms increased. The relationship of work factors with the psychological well-being of self-employed individuals also differed according to occupational class. In conclusion, our analysis indicated that self-employed workers in different occupational classes respond differently to identical stressors.

Social Mobility, Health and Wellbeing in Poland

Recently there has been a surge of interest in the consequences of intergenerational social mobility on individuals’ health and wellbeing outcomes. However, studies on the effects of social mobility on health, using high-quality panel survey data, have almost exclusively been conducted in Western welfare democracies. To account for this gap, and using empirical data from one of the largest and most eventful post-communist countries, Poland, in this study we investigate how individuals’ origin and destination socio-economic position and social mobility are linked to self-rated health and reported psychological wellbeing. We use the Polish Panel Survey (POLPAN) data to construct self-rated health and psychological wellbeing measures, origin, destination and occupational class mobility variables, and account for an extensive set of sociodemographic determinants of health. We employ diagonal reference models to distinguish social mobility effects from origin and destination effects, and account for possible health selection mechanisms. Our results suggest that there is an occupational class gradient in health in Poland and that both parental and own occupational class matter for individual health outcomes. We also find a positive reported psychological wellbeing effect for upward social mobility from the working to the professional class.

Intragenerational Social Mobility and Wellbeing in Great Britain. A Biomarker Approach

Social theory has long predicted that social mobility, in particular downward social mobility, is detrimental to the wellbeing of individuals. Dissociative and ‘falling from grace’ theories suggest that mobility is stressful due to the weakening of social ties, feelings of alienation, and loss of status. In light of these theories, it is a puzzle that the majority of quantitative studies in this area have shown null results. Our approach to resolve the puzzle is twofold. First, we argue for a broader conception of the mobility process than is often used and thus focus on intragenerational occupational class mobility rather than restricting ourselves to the more commonly studied intergenerational mobility. Second, we argue that self-reported measures may be biased by habituation (or ‘entrenched deprivation’). Using nurse-collected health and biomarker data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study (UKHLS, 2010–12, N = 4,123), we derive a measure of allostatic load as an objective gauge of physiological ‘wear and tear,’ and compare patterns of mobility effects with self-reports of health using diagonal reference models. Our findings indicate a strong class gradient in both allostatic load and self-rated health, and that both first and current job matter for current wellbeing outcomes. However, in terms of the effects of mobility itself, we find that intragenerational social mobility is consequential for allostatic load, but not for self-rated health. Downward mobility is detrimental and upward mobility beneficial for wellbeing as assessed by allostatic load. Thus, these findings do not support the idea of generalized stress from dissociation, but they do support the ‘falling from grace’ hypothesis of negative downward mobility effects. Our findings have a further implication, namely that the differences in mobility effects between the objective and subjective outcome infer the presence of entrenched deprivation. Null results in studies of self-rated outcomes may therefore be a methodological artifact, rather than an outright rejection of decades-old social theory.

Occupational status and self-reported low back pain by gender: a nation-wide cross-sectional study among the general population in Japan

Background We aimed to examine the cross-sectional association between occupational class and self-reported low back pain (LBP) in a representative sample of the Japanese general population. Methods We used anonymized data from a nationwide survey (31,443 men and 35,870 women aged ≥ 20). Occupational class variables included working status, occupation, employment status, and company size (number of employees). Covariates included age, socio-economic status, lifestyle, and comorbidities. Poisson regression models stratified by gender were used to estimate adjusted prevalence ratio (APR) and 95% confidence interval (CI) for self-reported LBP. Results The prevalence of self-reported LBP was 11.7% in men and 14.2% in women. After adjustment for covariates and mutual adjustment for all occupational class variables, among both genders, agricultural/forestry/fishery workers and non-workers had a significantly higher prevalence of self-reported LBP: APR (95% CI) of agricultural/forestry/fishery was 1.36 (1.08–1.70) in men and 1.59 (1.30–1.93) in women; that of non-workers was 1.42 (1.18–1.70) in men and 1.23 (1.08–1.40) in women. Among men, non-regular employees were more likely to have self-reported LBP than regular employees: APR (95% CI) was 1.25 (1.07–1.46) in part-timers and casual staff and 1.18 (1.03–1.35) in other types of non-regular employees. Moreover, compared to men working at companies with ≥ 100 employees, men working at companies with 30–99 employees had a significantly higher prevalence of self-reported LBP (APR 1.17; 95% CI, 1.03–1.34). Among women, professionals and technicians (1.26; 1.11–1.43) and sales workers (1.22; 1.04–1.43) had a significantly higher prevalence of self-reported LBP than clerks. Neither employment status nor company size was associated with self-reported LBP in women. After stratified analyses by age group, similar patterns were observed in participants aged 20–64, but not in those aged ≥ 65. Conclusion Our results suggest that self-reported LBP is highly prevalent among agricultural/forestry/fishery workers and the unemployed, regardless of gender, and that there are also gender differences in the association of occupational class factors with self-reported LBP. It is necessary, therefore, to take preventive measures against LBP based on gender and occupational class factors in Japan.

Trends and socioeconomic inequalities in self-rated health in Japan, 1986–2016

Introduction Despite having very high life expectancy, Japan has relatively poor self-rated health, compared to other high-income countries. We studied trends and socioeconomic inequalities in self-rated health in Japan using nationally representative data. Methods The Comprehensive Survey of Living Conditions was analyzed, every 3 years (n ≈ 0.6–0.8 million/year) from 1986 to 2016. Whereas previous studies dichotomized self-rated health as an outcome, we used four categories: very good, good, fair, and bad/very bad. Proportional odds ordinal logistic regression models are used, with ordinal scale self-rated health as an outcome, and age category, survey year and occupational class or educational level as independent variables. Results In 2016, the age-adjusted percentages for self-rated health categorized as very good, good, fair, and bad/very bad, were 24.0, 17.1, 48.7, and 10.2% among working-age men, and 21.6, 17.5, 49.4, and 11.5% among working-age women, respectively. With 1986 as the reference year, the odds ratios (ORs) of less good self-rated health were lowest in 1995 (0.69; 95% Confidence Interval [95% CI]: 0.66–0.71 of working-age men), and highest in 2010 (1.23 [95% CI: 1.19–1.27]). The ORs of male, lower non-manual workers (compared to upper non-manual) increased from 1.12 (95% CI: 1.07–1.17) in 2010 to 1.20 (95% CI: 1.15–1.26) in 2016. Between 2010 and 2016, the ORs of working-age men with middle and low levels of education (compared to a high level of education) increased from 1.22 (95% CI: 1.18–1.27) to 1.34 (95% CI: 1.29–1.38), and from 1.47 (95% CI: 1.39–1.56) to 1.75 (95% CI: 1.63–1.88), respectively. The ORs of working-age women with middle and low levels of education also increased from 1.22 (95% CI: 1.17–1.28) to 1.32 (95% CI: 1.26–1.37), and from 1.74 (95% CI: 1.61–1.88) to 2.03 (95% CI: 1.87–2.21) during the same period. Conclusion Japan has the unique feature that approximately 50% of the survey respondents rated their self-rated health as fair, but with important variations over time and between socioeconomic groups. In-depth studies of the role of socioeconomic conditions may shed light on the reasons for the high prevalence of poor self-rated health in Japan.

How Do 50-Year-Olds Imagine Their Future: Social Class and Gender Disparities

This paper empirically examines differences in how 50-year-olds imagine their future. It draws on answers to an open-ended survey question in a large British cohort study—the National Child Development Study. Over 6,700 written responses about respondents’ imagined future are examined using text mining methods. Results from a relative frequency analysis and a topic model reveal differences according to gender, occupational class, and educational qualification. The cohort members’ written texts reflect different lifestyles. Men are more likely to mention sport, like golf and football, whereas women are more prone to use words related to family and friends. Respondents with a degree are more likely to write about cultural activities, such as museum or theater visits. Overall, the findings reveal gendered and socially stratified patterns in individual future perceptions, contextualized in relation to leisure, health, and family.

Multiple Socioeconomic Circumstances and Initiation of Cardiovascular Medication among Ageing Employees

There are persisting socioeconomic differences in cardiovascular diseases, but studies on socioeconomic differences in the initiation of cardiovascular medication are scarce. This study examined the associations between multiple socioeconomic circumstances and cardiovascular medication. The Helsinki Health Study baseline survey (2000–2002) of 40–60-year-old employees was linked with cardiovascular medication data from national registers. The analyses included 5805 employees concerning lipid medication and 4872 employees concerning hypertension medication. Medication purchases were followed for 10 years. The analyses were made using logistic regression, and the odds ratios (ORs) and their 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were calculated for childhood, conventional and material socioeconomic circumstances. Low parental education showed an association with lipid medication among women only (OR 1.34, 95% CI 1.11–1.61), whereas childhood economic difficulties showed more widespread associations. Low education and occupational class were associated with an increased risk of both hypertension (education: OR 1.58, 1.32–1.89; occupational class: 1.31, 1.08–1.59) and lipid medication (education: 1.34, 1.12–1.61; occupational class: 1.38, 1.13–1.67). Rented housing (1.35, 1.18–1.54 for hypertension medication; 1.21, 1.05–1.38 for lipid medication) and current economic difficulties (1.59, 1.28–1.98 for hypertension medication; 1.35, 1.07–1.71 for lipid medication) increased the risk. Several measures of socioeconomic circumstances acting at different stages of the life course were associated with cardiovascular medication, with individuals in disadvantageous socioeconomic circumstances having elevated risks.

Body Mass and Income: Gender and Occupational Differences

This paper aims to examine the influence of body shape on income, which varies with gender and occupational structure in China. The data were obtained from the CGSS (Chinese General Social Survey) 2010–2017 Survey. The overall finding in this paper is that women and men face different body shape–income effects. For females, the obesity penalty is significant and is reinforced with increasing occupational rank. For men, the thinness penalty (or weight premium) is enhanced as the occupational class decreases. Body shape–income gaps are mainly caused by the occupational structure. Twenty-nine percent of the income gap between overweight and average weight women can be explained by the obesity penalty, 37% of the income gap between overweight and average weight men can be interpreted by the weight premium, and 11% of the gap between underweight and normal weight men can be explained by the thinness penalty. The findings also suggest that the effect of body shape on income consists of two pathways: body shape affects health capital and socialization, and therefore income. Healthy lifestyles and scientific employment concepts should be promoted, and measures to close the gender gap should be implemented.

Occupational class differences in outcomes after ischemic stroke: a prospective observational study

Background Occupational class is an integral part of socioeconomic status. The studies focused on the occupational difference in ischemic stroke outcome in a Chinese population are limited. We aimed to investigate the associations between occupational class and the prognosis of patients with ischemic stroke in China. Methods We included 1484 ischemic stroke participants (mean age: 63.42 ± 11.26 years) from the prospective cohort study: Infectious Factors, Inflammatory Markers and Prognosis of Acute Ischemic Stroke (IIPAIS). Occupational class was categorized into white-collar workers, blue-collar workers and farmers in our study. Study outcomes were cardiovascular events and all-cause mortality within 12 months after ischemic stroke onset. We applied Cox proportional hazard model to evaluate the associations between the occupational class and study outcomes after ischemic stroke. Results Within 12 months after ischemic stroke, there were 106 (7.5%) cardiovascular events and 69 (4.9%) all-cause deaths. The Kaplan–Meier plots showed that white-collar workers had highest risk of cardiovascular events after 12-month follow-up (Log-rank P = 0.02). Multivariate adjusted hazard ratio and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) of farmers versus white-collar workers was 0.43(0.20–0.91) for cardiovascular events. No significant difference showed in blue-collar workers versus white-collar workers, with fully adjusted hazard ratio 0.62(95% CIs, 0.23–1.67). Conclusions Compared with white-collar workers, farmers are associated with less risk of cardiovascular events at 12 months after ischemic stroke, while there are no significant differences in blue-collar workers.