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2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 150
Author(s):  
Amar Muhyi Diinis Sipa

[Politik dan agama seperti tidak terpisah belakangan ini, kesalehan dan kereligiusan politisi ataupun partai politik seperti menjadi keharusan, Agama kuatsebagai doktrin dan legitimasi, dan politik membutuhkan agama sebagai alat legitimasi untuk mencapai eksistensi, kekuasaan, dan menjaring suara serta simpati masa. Akhirnya spiritualitas dan simbol keagamaan menjadi produk politik dan domain khas atau khusus yang menjadi identitas politisi dan partai politik lalu kemudian dikenalkan kepada khalayak yang disebut sebagai political marketing. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk memahami lebih jauh wacana politik dengan kemasan simbolik keagamaan pada poster caleg PKS yang dijadikan sebagai alat kampanya untuk mempengaruhi pilihan publik. pendekatan didalam artikel ini menggunakan analisis semiotika untuk membedah simbol-simbol yang berada dalam poster-poster kampanye politik caleg di media sosial. Sehingga Semiotika mencoba untuk membongkar tanda yang memiliki makna di dalam kehidupan sosial maupun kehidupan politik. Adapun, metode yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah metode kualitatif yang bersifat deskriptif analitis, dengan metode pengumpulan data menganalisis poster-poster kampanye di media sosial Instagram pada akun @pkstangerang. Kesimpulan penelitian, yakni: politik keagamaan eksis karena peranan agama yang mampu menyentuh sisi emosional dari manusia, dalam akun @pkstangerang kebanyakan postingannya tidak terlepas dari unsur spiritualitas agama dan doktrin agama, saat melakukan kampanye dalam pemilihan legislatif juga tidak terlepas dari simbol dan narasi agama atau simbol kesalehan. Contohnya caleg yang mengenakan kopiah, baju koko, dan memegang kitab Marketing Politik Kampanye Religius Pemilu di Indonesia Vol. 6 Nomor 2, Juli-Desember 2021 151 fiqih. Untuk itu istilah politik keagamaan dalam dunia politik atau pemilu legislatif sebagai istilah kampanye religius yang menggambarkan religiusitas dalam politik sebagai cara political marketing.Politics and religion have become inseparable in recent times, piety and religiosity of politicians or political parties have become imperative, religion isstrong as doctrine and legitimacy, and politics requires religion as a legitimacy tool to achieve existence, power, and gain votes and sympathy from the masses. Finally, spirituality and religious symbols become political products and distinctive or special domainsthat become the identities of politicians and political parties and are then introduced to the public which is known as political marketing. This article aims to further understand political discourse with religious symbolic packaging on PKS candidate posters which are used as a campaign tool to influence public choice. The approach in this article uses semiotic analysis to dissect the symbols in the political campaign posters of candidates on social media. So Semiotics tries to dismantle signsthat have meaning in social life and political life. Meanwhile, the method used in this article is a qualitative descriptive-analytical method, with the data collection method analyzing campaign posters on Instagram social media on the @pkstangerang account. The conclusion of the study, namely: religious politics exists because of the role of religion that can touch the emotional side of humans, in the @pkstangerang account most of the posts can not be separated from elements of religious spirituality and religious doctrine, while campaigning in legislative elections are also inseparable from religious symbols and narratives or symbol of piety. For example, candidates who wear a skullcap, Koko shirt, and hold a book of fiqh. For this reason, the term religious politics in politics orlegislative elections is a religious campaign term that describes religiosity in politics as a way of political marketing.]


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 434-455
Author(s):  
Alexandra Sapoznik

Abstract Believed to originate in Paradise and set apart in their chastity, bees were potent religious symbols in medieval Christianity and Islam. This article explores how these beliefs drove an extensive trade in wax and honey, and examines the role of Jews, conversos, Christians, and Muslims in this trade. Further, it considers the environmental context and the extent to which religious prohibitions against trade between Christians and Muslims may have provided economic opportunities for Jewish merchants, while examining the economic and cultural relationships between members of the three Abrahamic religions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryota Takano ◽  
Michio Nomura

Right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) consists of two factors: authoritarianism—the tendency to venerate and submit to established authorities—and conventionalism—the propensity to protect traditional values. By focusing on ancestor and nature worship in Japan, this study highlighted the construct of RWA in terms of two aspects of spirituality: feelings of respect for and connectedness to higher order entities, and feelings of universality and oneness with others. Study 1 (cross-sectional) indicated that the tendencies of ancestor worship predicted higher levels of authoritarianism, while those of nature worship predicted lower levels of conventionalism, even when controlling for general attitudes toward religious symbols. Study 2 (experimental) showed that while the recollection of spiritual experiences did not directly affect RWA, indirect routes via feelings of spirituality existed. Specifically, the recollection of an ancestor worship experience increased feelings of respect/connectedness for ancestors, which were related to higher levels of authoritarianism, and that of a nature worship experience increased feelings of universality/oneness under nature, which were associated with lower levels of conventionalism. These results provide a more nuanced understanding of RWA through demonstrating that RWA might be specifically associated with these two aspects of spirituality.


Author(s):  
Angelo Licastro

SOMMARIO: 1. La giusta presa di distanza da paradigmi di approccio dello Stato verso l’esperienza religiosa estranei al nostro modello costituzionale di diritto ecclesiastico - 2. L’esclusione del carattere discriminatorio del provvedimento adottato dal dirigente scolastico - 3. Il principio di laicità e l’interpretazione conforme a Costituzione dell’art. 118 del r.d. 30 aprile 1924, n. 965 - 4. L’ipotesi di una “incompletezza” della norma regolamentare in rapporto alle diverse esperienze e convinzioni di fede ridefinite in una dimensione prettamente storico-culturale - 5. I residui profili di peculiare rilevanza del crocifisso rispetto agli altri simboli religiosi - 6. Le competenze degli organi di autonomia scolastica in tema di esposizione dei simboli religiosi e la composizione dei conflitti affidata agli “accomodamenti ragionevoli” - 7. Brevi notazioni conclusive. Crucifix “by Choice”. From Compulsory to Optional Display of Crucifixes in Italian Classrooms (Some Remarks on the Decision September 9th, 2021, no. 24414 of the United Sections of the Italian Supreme Court of Cassation) ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the decision September 9th, 2021, no. 24414, of the United Sections of the Italian Supreme Court of Cassation, concerning the display of the crucifix in the classrooms. The Court has ruled that the presence of the crucifix on the wall does not discriminate against anyone. However, not the government authorities, but the students during an Assembly and the Class council must decide if display the crucifix and if eventually place other religious symbols next to it, seeking “reasonable accommodation” between the different positions of people in the school community.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Melito

Defending the Traditional Polish Way of Life: The Role of FantasiesThe current escalation of the cultural conflict in Poland is described as a cultural war between neo-traditionalist and liberal worldviews. Drawing on psychoanalytic political theory and Poststructuralist Discourse Theory (PDT), fantasmatic narratives are deemed as an instrument to conceal the non-necessary character of identities. Based on the direct observation of the counter-marches against LGBT parades in Kalisz, Lublin, and Kraków (2019–2020), this article shows how fantasies define the ‘authentic Polish way of life’: from the traditional family in an idyllic scenario (beatific fantasy) to the ‘LGBT virus’ (horrific fantasy), fantasies sustain a neo-traditionalist conception of Polishness and exclude antagonistic visions. Also, religious symbols are sublimated to embody the lost unity: a harmonious society without the conflict generated by the liberal value system. The fantasmatic logic analyzed in the article explains how neo-traditionalist fantasies strengthen identities and provide the necessary ideological ground to resist the emancipatory impetus of liberalism. Broniąc tradycyjnego polskiego stylu życia. Rola fantazjiAktualnie zaostrzający się konflikt kulturowy w Polsce określa się mianem wojny kulturowej między światopoglądem neotradycjonalistycznym a liberalnym. Odwołując się do psychoanalitycznej teorii politycznej i poststrukturalistycznej teorii dyskursu, autor uznaje fantazmatyczne narracje za narzędzie maskujące niekonieczny (non-necessary) charakter tożsamości. Na podstawie bezpośredniej obserwacji kontrmanifestacji organizowanych jako sprzeciw wobec marszów równości w Kaliszu, Lublinie i Krakowie (2019–2020) w artykule zaprezentowano, w jaki sposób fantazje definiują „prawdziwy polski styl życia”: poczynając od obrazu tradycyjnej rodziny w sielankowym otoczeniu (beatific fantasy), na „wirusie LGBT” (horrific fantasy) kończąc, fantazje podtrzymują neotradycjonalistyczną koncepcję polskości i wykluczają jej odmienne wizje. Z kolei symbole religijne zinstrumentalizowano tak, by ucieleśniały utraconą jedność – harmonijne społeczeństwo bez konfliktów wywoływanych przez liberalny system wartości. Fantazmatyczna logika analizowana w artykule pozwala wyjaśnić, jak neotradycjonalistyczne fantazje wzmacniają tożsamości i dostarczają niezbędnej podstawy ideologicznej, aby stawić opór emancypacyjnemu naporowi liberalizmu.


2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
Nedim Begović ◽  
Emir Kovačević

2021 ◽  
pp. 99-126
Author(s):  
Piotr Sadowski

Freedom of speech and freedom of conscience and religion are essential human rights which are protected, among others, by the ECHR. The number of the European Court of Human Rights’ decisions on wearing religious symbols (in a form of a Christian cross, a Muslim veil or a headscarf) at work remains small. Nevertheless, some interpretation guidelines can be identified in particular on how to ensure that an interference with Article 9 of the 1950 Convention has to be proportionate and “necessary in a democratic society”. Owing to a lack of European-wide consensus on states’ approach to religion, a state exercises a wide margin of appreciation. Nevertheless, a state always has to take into account rights of the others, in particular those who are dependent on (e.g. patience at hospital) employees or are prone to an impact of employees (e.g. pupils and students). Thus, dress codes confirming a secular nature and religious neutrality of a State not always violates Article 9 of the ECHR. Rules apply mainly to public bodies, but a state liability may also be found to private company’s cases. Details of each employment contract and of the employee’s conduct have to be always analysed. The dress code rules applied to man and women and irrespective to their religion, so the Court has not declared it to be discriminatory because of sex or religion of employees.


Author(s):  
Paolo Cavana

SOMMARIO - 1. Il crocifisso in classe davanti alle Sezioni Unite - 2. Laicità dello Stato e autonomia scolastica - 3. Conflitto tra diritti e reasonable accommodation - 4. La regola della reasonable accommodation nella giurisprudenza straniera e italiana - 5. Il crocifisso come simbolo “essenzialmente passivo” nella giurisprudenza europea - 6. Reasonable accommodation in assenza di una lesione di diritti: rilievi critici - 7. Bilanciamento dei diritti e legislazione scolastica - 8. Il rapporto asimmetrico tra docente e alunni nella scuola: un dato del tutto omesso - 9. La rimozione del crocifisso da parte del docente: un atto lecito? Osservazioni conclusive. The Supreme Court’s United Sections on the Crucifix controversy in schools: searching for a difficult balance between laicism and European case-law ABSTRACT: This paper examines critically, in the light of the Italian and European case-law, the contents and the juridical arguments of a recent decision issued by the United Sections of the Italian Court of Cassation concerning the Crucifix controversy arisen in a State school. The judges established, on one hand, that the crucifix may be hung in a classroom upon demand of the students as it does not infringe the dissenting teacher’s freedom of conscience or of teaching, according to Lautsi ECHR decision (2011); on the other hand, the clash of values involved would need a reasonable accommodation which could require other religious symbols alongside the crucifix or its removal during the lessons of the dissenting teacher. Such a decision, according to the author, appears to be somewhat contradictory and ambiguous, and it does not resolve the case in a well-balanced way.


Author(s):  
Kamil Kajkowski

The turmoil of the 1030s in the Polish territory has so far attracted attention of historians. A detailed analysis of the information available in the written sources has strengthened a position in the result of which (in line with the reference to the events in question) the pagan backlash was to stem primarily from religious reasons. This interpretations suggests and provokes reception of Mieszko II’s domain as a completely Christian organisation. Consequently, at least officially it suggests that the pagan communities had been pushed to the margins of the society. Scholars have no doubts that these communities existed because they are regarded to have affected the events of the 1030s. Was it really the case? An analysis of archaeological sources, previously not used in the discussion of the pagan backlash, does not answer the questions so unambiguously. There is a strong indication that the followers of the old values did not have to flee from persecutions or the missionary ideology. It also looks like they did not have to fear financial exploitation for the benefit of the established church structures which could have easily operated parallel to venues referring to the traditional religious symbols. If we assume that it was the case, were the events of the 1030s in fact a pagan backlash? This question was at the basis of the considerations presented in this text.


Author(s):  
Marcello Toscano

SOMMARIO: 1. Introduzione - 2. La decisione (in sintesi): una soluzione subottimale - 3. Il ruolo determinante del principio supremo di laicità - 4. Laicità sostanziale, laicità procedurale, accomodamento ragionevole - 5. Discriminazione diretta e indiretta. - 6. Conclusioni. The crucifix ‘accommodated’. Considerations at first reading of the judgment no. 24414/2021 by the United Sections of the Italian Supreme Court of cassation ABSTRACT: With decision no. 24414/2021 the United Sections of the Italian Supreme Court of cassation have provided an unprecedented solution to the issue of religious symbols in the classrooms of public schools. In this essay the author analyses the judgment, focusing in particular on three aspects: the relationship between the so-called ‘Italian principle of secularism’ and the reasonable accommodation; the existence or not of discrimination against the teacher who has been obliged to teach under the crucifix; the practical ways in which this ruling can become 'living law' in the Italian legal system.


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