russian revolution
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2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdoel

Literary work, such as a novel, is an imitation of the facts that it can be analyzedin symbol that can show how the facts enter in it. Semiotic is one approach thatcan be used to analyze how the symbol works in a literary work. This study is toexplain on how Orwell portrays Napoleon in his Animal farm, to explain on howStalin is, and to explain the aspects that Napoleon symbolizes Stalin in Orwell’sAnimal Farm. The data, which is analyzed in terms of semiotic analysis, isselected into the symbol of Napoleon because this central character has a bigpart of the story. The researcher thinks that Orwell reflects this character toanimal which has a hidden purpose and considers that animal relates to personswhich the story is made. There are three problems to discuss, namely (1) whatare Napoleon’s traits? (2) What are Stalin’s traits? (3) What aspects doesNapoleon symbolize Stalin? The results show that the symbol of pig (Napoleon)has many special traits such as leaderships, intelligence, and unique characterand so Joseph Stalin (the actor of Russian revolution), which people describedhim having his own traits. Both of them have correlation in political, economic, and social and cultural aspect


ENTHYMEMA ◽  
2022 ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Edith Clowes

“The Imagined Province” investigates the shifts in what the “idea of the province” in the period of world war and the Russian revolution and civil war. I argue that the mental and emotional valence of Russia’s map changed markedly over these nine years as regionalist and provincial pride came into literary culture, urging a fresh view of central Russia outside the capital cities. This change of perspective emerges in essays, stories, and poetry throughout Central Russia, though this article focuses mainly on the Volga Region. Authors of many different political stripes contributed to this shift—among them, regionalists like Evgenii Chirikov and Nikolai Kliuev, pro-revolutionary socialists such as Maksim Gor’kii and Matvei Dudorov, and Bolsheviks like Aleksei Dorogoichenko and Fedor Bogorodskii. As the Bolsheviks regathered Russia, these provincial voices were overpowered by more prominent voices from the center. Nonetheless, they established a “usable history” that remains a substrate of Russian culture even today, challenging the simplistic binary juxtaposing “capital” and “province.”


2022 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-35
Author(s):  
Nerina Visacovsky

Progressive and Communist Jewish identity in Argentina flourished between the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the Cold War. In 1937, during the Popular Front period, Jewish Communist intellectuals organized an International Congress of Yiddish Culture in Paris. Twenty-three countries were represented, and the Congress formed the Yiddisher Kultur Farband (YKUF). In 1941, this Congress was replicated in Argentina, where the YKUF sponsored an important network of schools, clubs, theaters, socio-cultural centers, and libraries created by Yiddish-speaking Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. The Ykufist or Progressive Jewish identity reflects a particular construction that is as ethnic as it is political. As “Jewish,” it aimed to transmit the secular heritage of the Yiddishkeit devastated in Europe during World War II, but as “progressive,” “radical” or “Communist,” it postulated its yearning for integration into a universal socialism led by the Soviet model. Progressive Jewish identity was shaped in the antifascist culture and by permanent tensions between Jewish ethnicity and the guidelines of the Communist Party. Above all, it was framed by a fervent aspiration of the immigrants and their children to integrate into their Argentine society.


Author(s):  
Joana Gomes ◽  
Vitor Guerreiro

RESUMO: No século XX, fenómenos como a arte de massas - em particular o cinema - surgem concomitantemente a novas formas de relação entre poder político, ideologia, arte e estética. Com a Revolução Russa de 1917, e, mais tarde, os regimes fascistas que se espalham pela Europa, a alternância entre a experimentação estética arrojada e o arregimentar da arte à propaganda tornam-se realidades que, de um ou outro modo, impõem aos artistas alguma forma de posicionamento. Neste processo, é frequente as representações do passado servirem para possibilitar um certo discurso acerca do presente, sobretudo quando as representações directas deste se tornam «politicamente problemáticas» (i.e. perigosas). Tal é o que sucede com o próprio conceito de Idade Média, desde a sua origem. Este artigo pretende justamente explorar o modo como as representações cinematográficas da Idade Média servem diferentemente de veículo à de expressão de concepções estéticas, artísticas e políticas em dois filmes produzidos em países do ex-bloco socialista, onde as tensões e alternâncias de que falamos se tornam, mais do que uma questão meramente teórica, uma questão de sobrevivência: Alexander Nevsky de Serguei Eisenstein (1938) e Márketa Lazarová de František Vláčil (1967). ABSTRACT: In the 20th century, phenomena like that of mass art – particularly cinema – emerge in tandem with new forms of relationship between political power, ideology, art and aesthetics. With the Russian Revolution of 1917, and, later, with the spread of fascist regimes across Europe, alternating between bold aesthetic experimentation and the use of art as propaganda become factors that compel artists, in one way or another, to take some sort of stand. In this process, representations of the past are often employed so as to make it possible to speak about the present, especially when direct portrayal of the latter becomes ‘politically problematic’ (i.e. dangerous). Such is also the case with the concept of ‘middle ages’ itself, from its inception. Our aim in this paper is precisely to explore how representations of the middle ages serve, in different ways, as a vehicle for the expression of aesthetic and political views, in two films made in countries of the former socialist bloc, where the tensions and shifting pressures we mentioned become, more than a purely theoretical issue, a matter of survival: Sergei Einsenstein’s Alexander Nevsky (1938) and František Vláčil’s Márketa Lazarová (1967).


Author(s):  
D. V. Rybin

This publication examines the unexplored topic of the Senate jurisprudence regarding the legal status of Lutheran priests in the Baltic States at the end of the XIX century. The author defines the significance of the policy of state pressure on Protestant pastors in the context of the general attack of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Synod on non-Orthodox religious organizations under K. Pobedonostsev. Consideration of the issue from the position of the higher court of the Empire has not previously been undertaken in the scientific literature. During the preparation of the work, mainly narrative material was used the memoirs of the Chief Prosecutor of the Senate. Due to the small number of cases and the semi-secret nature, the materials of the Senate were not particularly reflected in the collections of decisions and sentences. The problem-chronological approach was applied to study this subject. As a result, the reasons of the weak pressure on Protestant pastors the author associates with the deep rootedness of Lutheranism in the popular environment, the brutal activity of the police and the church, fears of a quarrel with the Lutheran countries of Europe, etc. Few sentences against pastors who seduced the Orthodox into another faith reached the Criminal Cassation Department of the Senate, where they met with resistance a group of senators led by the famous lawyer, humanist A.F. Koni. Among the numerous schismatic and sectarian affairs that A.F. Koni, as chief prosecutor and senator, draw attention to the so-called pastoral affairs, which have not been sufficiently researched in the domestic scientific literature, and yet they well illustrate the church-state policy of the Russian state on the outskirts of the empire on the eve of the first Russian revolution. The author concludes that pastoral affairs are interesting not only from the point of view of the struggle of Russian infidels and the domestic educated intelligentsia for freedom of conscience in Russia, but they also allow to look from the inside at the work of the bureaucratic apparatus of the empire, to understand the work (internal kitchen) of the Governing Senate: internal intrigues, the indirect influence of the monarch and the chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod on senators and, accordingly, the decision on religious matters, informal consultations of the Minister of Justice with the chief prosecutor of the criminal cassation department (probing the atmosphere in the case, including through an intermediary), the selection of a senator-rapporteur on a particular important case, etc. Thanks to A.F. Koni, attempts to persecute pastors did not develop, and after 1900 the persecution of priests on religious grounds in the Baltics stopped. The subject is interesting and requires further development and study.


Author(s):  
Hanna Perekhoda

After the Russian Revolution of February 1917, the definition of the Ukrainian territory became an important issue. One of the major controversies concerned the territorial affiliation of the eastern part of the country, a highly industrialised region located halfway between the Russian core and the Ukrainian periphery of the empire. This article focuses on the split within the Bolshevik Party between supporters of Donbass belonging to Ukraine and defenders of a Donets-Krivoi Rog republic attached to Russia. We show that this was not so much an ideological conflict between the "pro-Russians" and the "pro-Ukrainians" as it was a difference of views on the military and political strategy to be implemented in order to preserve the gains of the revolution and make its expansion possible. Moscow's decision to support the project of a Soviet Ukraine, thereby ruling out any possibility of separation of its eastern region, can be explained both by the desire to solve immediate problems (circumventing the provisions of a peace treaty, strengthening control over local Soviet institutions) and by the search for long-term solutions (advancing the world revolution, guaranteeing the stability of a multiethnic state that emerged from the disintegration of the Russian Empire).


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
T. Yu. Vepretskaya

The article examines the  memoirs of a Spanish diplomat Anibal Morillo and Perez del  Villar, the   Count of  Cartagena. He  held  the   post of the  Spanish ambassador in the  Russian  Empire in 1914-1916 when World War  One  broke out.  “Memories  of my Embassy in Russia”  by Morillo is a specific source that shows the  life of the  zarist court and diplomatic circles of St. Petersburg in that period. The Count of Cartagena’s activity has not been considered much  in Russian  historiography.  Based on the analysis of his memoirs, the author of the article suggests that Morillo considered the  Russian revolution to be brought in from outside. A study of the  memoirs showed that the  Spanish ambassador at St. Petersburg preferred  German diplomacy and had a peculiar notion of  the  role of Russia  in unleashing the  war.  The  author of this  article concludes that Morillo’s ideas were partly shaped by the  internal problems and the international situation of his own country at the beginning of the 20th century and that the  Spanish ambassador  was one of  the  Spanish Germanophiles. Spain maintained strict  neutrality throughout the  war. The  Spanish embassy  in Russia  carried out  important humanitarian mission  and active mediation activities, supporting Russian  citizens on enemy territory and trying to improve the  situation of Russian  prisoners of war and facilitate their return. The issue of the  personal participation of Anibal Morillo in mediation is also  touched upon in this article.


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