political views
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2022 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Don Albrecht

AbstractThe development of safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines provides a clear path to bring the pandemic to an end. Vaccination rates, however, have been insufficient to prevent disease spread. A critical factor in so many people choosing not to be vaccinated is their political views. In this study, a path model is developed and tested to explore the impacts of political views on vaccination rates and COVID-19 cases and deaths per 100,000 residents in U.S. counties. The data strongly supported the model. In counties with a high percentage of Republican voters, vaccination rates were significantly lower and COVID-19 cases and deaths per 100,000 residents were much higher. Moving forward, it is critical to find ways to overcome political division and rebuild trust in science and health professionals.


2022 ◽  
pp. 145-151
Author(s):  
G. G. Filippov ◽  
S. A. Oskin

Theoretical studies of practical political life conducted by M. Ya. Ostrogorsky allow us to call him one of the founders of Russian political science and party science. His doctrine was the first systematized theory of the emergence, functioning and development of political parties, the laws of their evolution and the technology of activity. He described the tendency to establish an oligarchic leadership of political parties and the failure of moral regulators of political processes taking place in society.


2022 ◽  
pp. 1468795X2110674
Author(s):  
Sam Whimster

In May 1904 Max Weber published a short article in the Frankfurter Zeitung. It has gone unnoticed in the extensive Weber literature and it appears here in English translation for the first time. It is an important statement of Weber’s political views after his withdrawal from his active political engagement in the 1890s. He defends the Reich Constitution from attack and a possible coup d’état. He demands that the German Parliament (Reichstag) stand up to autocratic plans, closely linked to Emperor William II, to suppress democracy and voting rights. A constitutional conflict would require not a great statesman but an ‘unscrupulous idiot or a political adventurer’ who would undermine ‘all our institutions and the security of law for many generations’. The article marks the start (earlier than previously assumed in the literature) of Weber’s consistent championing of Parliament and democratic institutions.


2022 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 884-896
Author(s):  
V. A. Ovchinnikov ◽  
E. V. Suverov

This article reconstructs the early history of the Soviet militia in Western Siberia. The research was based on the personal archive of Lieutenant Colonel A. N. Ovchinnikov and previously unpublished official documents stored in the archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Altai Krai and in the Novosibirsk Region. The research featured A. N. Ovchinnikov’s professional activity and personal participation in the development of militia in the Altai Krai and Kuzbass. When A. N. Ovchinnikov joined the militia forces, the institution was undergoing some radical reforms, e.g. it merged with the Joint State Political Directorate, became militarized and politicized, etc. In the 1920s – 1940s, the Soviet militia turned into a command and administrative system that made collectivization and industrialization possible. Militia officers were evaluated not only by their professional qualities, but also by their party affiliation, political views, and education. The sources made it possible to reveal A. N. Ovchinnikov’s personal position in the process of militia development in the 1930s – 1940s. Despite the constant personnel shortage and the low level of education, the party managed to improve the discipline, qualifications, moral qualities, and political consciousness of militia officers, thus increasing their performance. The authors believe that personal historic narratives can be a valuable contribution to the historical studies of Soviet militia.


2022 ◽  
pp. 329-351
Author(s):  
Carolina Moreno-Castro ◽  
Małgorzata Dzimińska ◽  
Aneta Krzewińska ◽  
Izabela Warwas ◽  
Ana Serra-Perales

The main objective of this chapter is to compare the political discourses of Polish and Spanish citizens on science issues such as vaccines and climate change expressed by the citizens participating in the public consultations held in València (Spain) and Łódź (Poland) during the autumn of 2019. As the general elections were held very close to the public consultations in both countries, it was expected that there would be references to election campaigns, political parties, or public policymaking during the debates. Then, those statements explicitly expressing political views on climate change and vaccines were selected from the debate transcripts before applying five specific frames and variables for analysis and interpretation. The results show that more political opinions were expressed in the debates on climate change than on vaccines. Moreover, the citizens' views on the science-politics dichotomy mainly were negative, with the men mixing science with politics more than the women.


Author(s):  
Joana Gomes ◽  
Vitor Guerreiro

RESUMO: No século XX, fenómenos como a arte de massas - em particular o cinema - surgem concomitantemente a novas formas de relação entre poder político, ideologia, arte e estética. Com a Revolução Russa de 1917, e, mais tarde, os regimes fascistas que se espalham pela Europa, a alternância entre a experimentação estética arrojada e o arregimentar da arte à propaganda tornam-se realidades que, de um ou outro modo, impõem aos artistas alguma forma de posicionamento. Neste processo, é frequente as representações do passado servirem para possibilitar um certo discurso acerca do presente, sobretudo quando as representações directas deste se tornam «politicamente problemáticas» (i.e. perigosas). Tal é o que sucede com o próprio conceito de Idade Média, desde a sua origem. Este artigo pretende justamente explorar o modo como as representações cinematográficas da Idade Média servem diferentemente de veículo à de expressão de concepções estéticas, artísticas e políticas em dois filmes produzidos em países do ex-bloco socialista, onde as tensões e alternâncias de que falamos se tornam, mais do que uma questão meramente teórica, uma questão de sobrevivência: Alexander Nevsky de Serguei Eisenstein (1938) e Márketa Lazarová de František Vláčil (1967). ABSTRACT: In the 20th century, phenomena like that of mass art – particularly cinema – emerge in tandem with new forms of relationship between political power, ideology, art and aesthetics. With the Russian Revolution of 1917, and, later, with the spread of fascist regimes across Europe, alternating between bold aesthetic experimentation and the use of art as propaganda become factors that compel artists, in one way or another, to take some sort of stand. In this process, representations of the past are often employed so as to make it possible to speak about the present, especially when direct portrayal of the latter becomes ‘politically problematic’ (i.e. dangerous). Such is also the case with the concept of ‘middle ages’ itself, from its inception. Our aim in this paper is precisely to explore how representations of the middle ages serve, in different ways, as a vehicle for the expression of aesthetic and political views, in two films made in countries of the former socialist bloc, where the tensions and shifting pressures we mentioned become, more than a purely theoretical issue, a matter of survival: Sergei Einsenstein’s Alexander Nevsky (1938) and František Vláčil’s Márketa Lazarová (1967).


Author(s):  
Liang Chen ◽  
Natalia V. Perfilieva ◽  
Jingzeng Du

This article examines the political metaphors of the ancient Chinese philosophical treatise of Confucius Lun yu (The Analects). Confucius often used metaphors for a capacious and figurative presentation of his political views. Translation of Confuciuss political metaphors presents a certain difficulty, since it is necessary to preserve not only the meaning of the statement, but also the imagery. The object of the research is the political metaphors of Confuciuss work Lun yu and their translations into Russian by P.S. Popov, I.I. Semenenko and L.S. Perelomov. The aim of the work is to study the methods of translating political metaphors of the philosophical treatise of Confucius and the possibility of accurately transferring metaphors into Russian. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that for the first time the translations of Confuciuss political reflections, made by three translators, are analyzed and compared. Political metaphors of the text Lun yu, collected for analysis by the method of continuous sampling, are described and analyzed within the framework of the concept of A.P. Chudinov. Classification of the metaphors of a philosophical treatise into 4 groups - anthropomorphic metaphor , natural morphic metaphor , social metaphor , artifact metaphor - made it possible to identify the peculiarities of translation techniques for different groups of metaphors. The analysis showed that the metaphors of the anthropomorphic group almost always disappear in translations into Russian. On the contrary, natural morphic metaphors, as a rule, are preserved in the translated text. The relevance of the study lies in the fact that at present, the translations of the Chinese philosophical text into Russian have not been sufficiently studied. Analysis of Russian texts Lun yu - Judgments and Conversations (Lunyu) translated by P.S. Popov, I believe in antiquity translated by I.I. Semenenko, Lun yu translated by L.S. Perelomov - made it possible to analyze the techniques of translating metaphors, due to the authors preferences of the translators, as well as the possibility of preserving the original metaphor in translated texts. Three versions of the translation of the title of the ancient Chinese treatise into Russian indicate different approaches to the translation of the text. The conclusion summarizes the results of the study of techniques and methods of transferring political metaphors into Russian.


Author(s):  
Elaine Correa ◽  
Doris Hall

How can faculty assist and equip students to become more “critical consumers” of the information they receive in a culture and climate of alternative facts and multiple truths? With increasing differences in political views informing “truth perspectives,” the shift in what is quickly becoming normalized as a form of appropriate discourse has fostered a culture of entitlement that lends support to voicing critique without critical inquiry. In this article, we examine the multiple and intersecting systems of power and privilege. The recognition of contradictory subjective locations occupied by all the participants in the classroom, including the instructor, are discussed. As practitioners seeking more effective forms of dialogue and engagement, we challenge conventional hegemonic discourses of difference and stereotypical representations within learning by questioning identity politics within the politics of learning and by examining the clashes between discourse and policy in the university classroom.


Author(s):  
Inna Khodak

The purpose of the article is to highlight the features of socio-political activities of the Greek Catholic hierarchs of Eastern Galicia and their role in socio-political processes that took place in the region during the 20-30s of the twentieth century. The use of descriptive heuristic research methods made it possible to reproduce the main topics related to the political views of the hierarchs. The article clarifies the peculiarities of the sociopolitical activities of the Greek Catholic hierarchs of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland. The set of archival documents used in the work makes it possible to objectively assess the activities of Greek Catholic clergy in the interwar period. It is determined that the statechurch relations in interwar Poland were conditioned by a complex dialectic of internal and external factors caused by both the government's policy in the field of religion, in particular towards Ukrainians, and the UGCC itself with its historical and traditional features.The activity of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic clergy, which was aimed at creating political parties and organizations, is considered.


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