Conclusion

This chapter concludes by considering the broader welfare implications of city lobbying. The ability to pay for professional advocacy represents a double-edged sword for cities. Lobbying provides an essential tool for local leaders seeking to amplify their voices in the complicated and often hostile world of state politics. This is true for progressive urban areas—but also for high-income suburbs. However, while some states have recently debated measures to restrict local government lobbying, this chapter concludes that these efforts would likely do more harm than good in the absence of reform to the lobbying industry more generally. Otherwise, the influence of corporations and PACs will continue to grow, while local officials would unfairly lose one of the key channels through which they are able to advocate for local interests in state politics.

Defended or defunded? Local and state policy outcomes of the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests

This article provides novel evidence on the local policy outcomes of the largest protest movement in U.S. history: the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests. Building on a hand-compiled dataset containing information on the 300 largest cities in the United States, data on state legislation, and comprehensive protest data, we assess whether two core political demands of the movement were realized. We find that protest did not affect city police budgets but did lead to the adoptions of state police reform. We do not find compelling evidence that protest affected agenda setting at the state-level. Although inconsequential in local politics overall, protest proved counterproductive in cities with large white population shares and large Republican population shares. We argue that local and state politics offer different political opportunities for protests to succeed. In state politics, protest creates electoral incentives to make political concessions. In local politics, a lack of political threat and the perception of protest as inconvenient create political incentives to resist policy change.

Hungary’s Marki-Zay threatens Orban's chances in 2022

Significance The opposition now has a real chance to unseat Prime Minister Viktor Orban in the 2022 elections for the first time since Fidesz’s 2010 landslide. Vast incumbent advantages and a likely spending spree fuelled by EU funds still make Orban the likelier winner, but as a political outsider, Marki-Zay may appeal beyond the opposition’s traditional base. Impacts Russia retains an interest in keeping Orban in power and Kremlin meddling in the election is possible. The United States has an interest in change and may contribute to it, for instance through sanctions, as it did in Bulgaria last summer. To avoid appearing to interfere in member state politics, the EU will postpone planned moves to withhold funding from Hungary.

New England Election Sermons: A Model for a Public Pulpit

This article surveys the now largely foreign practice of election sermons delivered in colonial New England. The ultimate aim of the study is to provide a way forward for contemporary pastors: first, to challenge the modern bifurcation of the religious and the so-called secular in the public square; second, to chart a middle course between the extremes of blind partisanship and anemic passivity in commenting on public concerns. The content of election sermons also challenges prevailing evangelical notions of good government by presenting a more integrated sociopolitical life, emphasizing older priorities of the common good, justice, and prudence. KEYWORDS: Puritanism, New England, election sermons, preaching, public theology, church Iand state, politics, common good

On the conditions of ‘late urbanisation’

We are living through a global urban transition, but the timing of this transition has varied significantly across countries and regions. This geographic variation in timing matters, both theoretically and substantively. Yet contemporary debates on urbanism hinge primarily on questions of universalism versus particularism, at the expense of attention to how history and geography collide to shape urban processes. Specifically, they neglect the critical fact that urbanisation in many countries today is late within the context of the global urban transition. We argue that trajectories of contemporary urbanisation must be understood in relation to a suite of conditions unique to the late 20th and early 21st centuries and partly shaped by early urbanisation, including historically unprecedented demographic intensity, hyperglobalisation, centripetal state politics and the spectre of environmental catastrophe in the late Anthropocene. These factors condition the range of possibilities for late urbanisers in ways that did not apply to early urbanisers yet can also produce diverse outcomes depending on local circumstances. We draw on a comparison between countries in sub-Saharan Africa and China to illustrate why the conditions of late urbanisation matter, but also why they have produced highly variable outcomes and are not deterministic of urban futures.