regional elections
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Significance The legislation is the most radical and comprehensive reform of centre-regional relations since Vladimir Putin became president in 1999. Formalising and consolidating a steady process of political centralisation, it further shifts powers from the regional heads and assemblies to the president and the federal executive. Impacts After years of attempts to forge a Russia-wide ethos, local identity politics will become more visible. The September regional elections are another opportunity to pre-select regional leaders before they are approved by voters. Regional leaders removed and replaced ahead of the elections may include the Communist head of Khakassia, Valentin Konovalov.


Significance Of three recent dialogue attempts, this is the first that occurs in an environment that appears conducive to reconciliation. This follows more than a decade of acrimonious relations between major parties, underscored by a fraught 2020 election in which 85 people died as President Alassane Ouattara secured a controversial third presidential term. Impacts The political dialogue will see the return of more political exiles. Ouattara will likely agree to the release of more low-profile political prisoners. Next year’s municipal and regional elections will likely be relatively peaceful.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-198
Author(s):  
Ega Indiana ◽  
Irzal Anderson ◽  
Dona Sariani

This study aims to determine the political communication strategy of the winning team, the strengths and weaknesses as well as the causes of the low vote acquisition of Fachrori-Syafril in the 2020 simultaneous regional elections in Jambi Province. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method which emphasizes the in-depth aspects of a problem. The results of this study indicate that the political communication strategy used by the Fachrori-Syafril winning team still has problems and obstacles that cause the low vote acquisition for candidate pair number 02 Fachrori-Syafril in the 2020 Simultaneous Regional Head Elections in Jambi Province. This is due to limited campaign factors, new people in the political realm, candidate management does not work and the disappointment factor from the community.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
Muhamad Hadiyan Rasyadi

The existence of differences in leave arrangements outside of the state's responsibility for incumbent candidates in the Presidential and Vice Presidential Election (pilpres) and the General Election of Regional Heads and Deputy Regional Heads (pemilukada) have an impact on the sense of justice in granting political rights attached to citizens. The research describes the arrangements' differences from the equality before the law's perspective. The type of research used is normative legal research with descriptive legal research methods. The problem approach used is statutory, comparative, and conceptual approaches. The data used in this research is secondary data, with a literature study method. Furthermore, the technique used in this research is to collect, identify and analyze the data presented in a qualitative descriptive form. The results of the research and discussion show that there are differences in leave arrangements outside of the state's responsibility for presidential and vice-presidential candidates and incumbent regional heads and deputy regional heads in the presidential and regional elections. Theoretically, every legislation formulation and application must be based on the principle of equality before as a form of social justice.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-524
Author(s):  
Dani Habibi ◽  
Danang Ari Wibowo

The simultaneous regional elections held in 2020 in Indonesia encountered a problem. The constraints experienced are not due to a lack of supply materials for the elections or the absence of regulations on the regional elections, but to a condition experienced by the whole world, namely the COVID-19 pandemic outbreak. This research is included in normative research with a statutory and conceptual approach. This research aims to formulate the discretion that the government must carry out so that simultaneous regional elections are still carried out as a form of legal protection for the people regarding the right to vote and be elected in simultaneous regional elections, namely elections electronically with the use of technology and then the authors analyse and reconstruct Law Number 6 of 2020 concerning the simultaneous regional elections to formulate rules regarding the existence of an electronic election system to minimize the occurrence of population mobilization.


2021 ◽  
pp. 109-117
Author(s):  
Yuriy Zulyar

The regular conduct of elections and the compliance of their procedure with the current legislation is a prerequisite for the functioning of a democratic political system. The occurrence of emergencies, such as military operations, pandemics, and the like, is a serious problem and challenge for the country’s leadership. The resulting social tension and instability, changes in the current electoral order and electoral procedures, pose a threat to the ruling regime and provide additional opportunities for the opposition. The article shows the activities of the leadership of Russia and the Irkutsk region in the context of a Covid pandemic during the regional elections of 2020. The legislation was changed and special measures were organized to ensure compliance with all epidemiological norms and to prevent a significant increase in the number of cases. A special feature of the elections in the Irkutsk region was the holding of early, really competitive elections for the governor, in which a Kremlin protege and a local representative of the Communist Party fought. In a really difficult situation, the elections were held calmly and without any special violations of the law and moral norms. Despite the fundamental nature of the struggle for the governor’s seat, the voter turnout was low and fundamentally lower than the plebiscite held in July of the same year to amend the Constitution of the Russian Federation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-198
Author(s):  
Sergey Yurievich Aseev ◽  
Yaroslava Yurievna Shashkova

Evaluating prospects of bringing youth into Russian political elites has both an acuteness of a scientific challenge and practical relevance in the light of upcoming federal and regional elections of 2021. Based on the surveys of mass political consciousness of the youth and expert polls held in 2018-2020 in Altai Krai and Novosibirsk Oblast, the article has analyzed the visions of young people and their leaders on the effectiveness of career development through participation in youth political organizations, political parties and running for posts in election campaigns. Having measured these visions against the proportion of young people in the elite of the regional offices of political parties and in the lists of candidates running in regional elections, the authors have come to the conclusion about the low acceptance rate of career lift in regional political process. The object of the research comprises regions with different level of social and economic development, which has proved that lack of resource hinders realization of young leaders potential primarily in the regions with high concentration of economic capital and strong political competition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 386-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laia Balcells ◽  
Alexander Kuo

Recent research on territorial preferences focuses on explaining who supports or opposes independence. However, this research overlooks the relevance of an “intermediate” category of citizens who may oppose the territorial status quo of a sub-state territory but not support independence. We use evidence from the critical case of Catalonia to illustrate the relevance of individuals with such preferences for policies and outcomes highly relevant to secessionist conflicts. We present four sets of findings using two-wave panel data from December 2017 (just prior to the December regional elections when Catalan independence was the most salient and contentious issue) and September 2018. First, we find that a sizable plurality within Catalonia supports greater autonomy short of independence; conventional sociodemographic variables explaining support for independence do not strongly account for this preference. Second, such pro-autonomy individuals have considerably more intermediate attitudes regarding the key “on the ground” actions that the Spanish and Catalan governments pursued during the crucial independence drive in 2017. They were more opposed than pro-independence individuals to the unilateral independence efforts, and more opposed than pro-status quo individuals to the Spanish government’s actions to counter these efforts. Third, they expressed emotions around the secessionist conflict similar to pro-status quo individuals. Finally, using an embedded survey experiment, we find that pro-autonomy individuals are more trusting of both the central and regional governments regarding their abiding by an agreement to resolve the conflict, and are less easily “polarized” through priming. Overall, these findings indicate the importance of further analyzing individuals with intermediate territorial views in secessionist conflicts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 10
Author(s):  
Ricky Santoso Muharam

Understanding of duty as a supervisor of polling places certainly needs to be given a thorough of various materials ranging from regulations on the selection of regional heads, regulations on the supervision of regional head elections during the Covid-19 pandemic, the code of ethics and the use of the election surveillance system (SIWASLU) need to be clearly understood.  This activity is carried out in two stages, namely technical guidance phase 1 and technical guidance phase 2 starting from the preparatory stage, material briefing, practice, posttest and questionnaire filling.  The results of this activity resulted in understanding for members of the polling station supervisor (PTPS) in carrying out their responsibilities   from regulatory understanding, supervision of health protocols as supervisors, code of ethics and commitment to contribute to becoming PTPS.   PTPS commitment to be able to contribute back to become a member of the TPS election supervisor for the 2024 elections correspondents answered 28 people (47.5%) willing to return to become PTPS in the   upcoming   elections or local elections, 28 people (47.5%) answer still in doubt or maybe willing to return to become PTPS and 3 people or about (5.1%) do not want to join the PTPS for the 2024 regional elections or presidential elections.


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