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PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 214-230
Author(s):  
Dian Husri Hurasan ◽  
Muryanto Amin ◽  
Hatta Ridho

This research was motivated by the Re-Voting (PSU) and the Election Result Dispute (PHPU) lawsuit that colored the 2019 Election in Tebing Tinggi City. The performance of the Voting Organizer Group (KPPS) for the 2019 election in Tebing Tinggi City was questioned when the two problems initially stemmed from a mistake by KPPS at the polling station. To prove the performance of KPPS in Tebing Tinggi, the researcher analyzed the performance of KPPS in Kota Tebing Tinggi with 6 (six) indicators proposed by Robbins, namely: Quality, Quantity, Punctuality, Effectiveness, Independence, and work commitment. Because the performance of the organizers is part of the integrity of the election, the researcher uses the integrity theory of Frank and Martinez i Coma, which states that the performance of the organizing body can technically improve the integrity of the election and there is recognition of independence and Pippa Norris who examines the integrity of elections from the field of public management, namely examines electoral integrity using the concepts of electoral maladministration and 'good governance' which emphasizes technical capability and efficient performance, as well as electoral processes and procedures. This study found that although the Tebing Tinggi City KPPS has tried its best in carrying out its duties, the Tebing Tinggi City KPPS's performance is not good, this is due to several factors, namely: 1. Requirements regarding restrictions on serving as KPPS twice, 2. Minimal technical guidance and ineffective, 3. The logistical chaos of the 2019 election, 4. The complexity of the administration of the 2019 election, 5. The workload of the 2019 election that causes Human Error.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Martin Baekgaard

Abstract A voluminous literature documents that citizens' perceptions of democracy are shaped by electoral victories and defeats, but what reasoning do citizens use to evaluate parties as winners or losers? Drawing on research on partisan-motivated reasoning, I propose an own-party bias in winner–loser evaluations according to which voters evaluate the electoral fate of their party more favourably than that of other parties. Data gathered in the aftermath of the Danish parliamentary election in 2015 support this expectation. Citizens are more inclined to interpret the election outcome as successful for their preferred party, regardless of the actual election result. This is more pronounced the stronger their partisan attachment and among the less politically knowledgeable, who also assign less importance to objective indicators of electoral success. The findings have implications for our understanding of electoral winners and losers and of how electoral results shape party support and polarization.


Protest ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-53
Author(s):  
Ali Akbar

Abstract The protests that rocked the streets of Tehran and some other major Iranian cities in 2009, gradually coming to be known collectively as the Green Movement, were triggered after the official announcement of that year’s presidential election result. This article will demonstrate how key features of the Green Movement – including the mass participation of youth, women and university students – were rooted in sociopolitical changes that occurred in Iran in the late 1990s and 2000s. The article argues that the Green Movement should be viewed as a reformist movement which sought to implement certain reforms in Iranian society – an agenda also pursued by its leaders – rather than a revolutionary movement seeking to overthrow the Islamic Republic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (45) ◽  
pp. e2103619118
Author(s):  
Andrew C. Eggers ◽  
Haritz Garro ◽  
Justin Grimmer

After the 2020 US presidential election Donald Trump refused to concede, alleging widespread and unparalleled voter fraud. Trump’s supporters deployed several statistical arguments in an attempt to cast doubt on the result. Reviewing the most prominent of these statistical claims, we conclude that none of them is even remotely convincing. The common logic behind these claims is that, if the election were fairly conducted, some feature of the observed 2020 election result would be unlikely or impossible. In each case, we find that the purportedly anomalous fact is either not a fact or not anomalous.


Significance The results have destabilised relations within the alliance involving the League, Brothers of Italy (FdI) and Forza Italia (FI), and increased speculation that FI may ally with moderate parties instead. The election results reflect the popularity of Prime Minister Mario Draghi’s government of national unity. Impacts The stability of Draghi’s government may boost Italy’s chances of influencing reforms to the EU’s fiscal policy framework. The election result reflects the wider recovery in business confidence already evidenced in Italy. Based on polling trends, Giorgia Meloni’s FdI is in a strong position to be the leading populist party after the next election. Meloni’s rise could increase tensions between FdI and the League, as the latter is accustomed to being the dominant party in the polls.


Significance A series of scandals surrounding Prime Minister Andrej Babis, including the newly released Pandora Papers, threaten to undermine ANO’s popularity. A challenge may come from the centre-right SPOLU coalition, campaigning on a strong anti-Babis programme. The key question is which way undecided voters will finally lean. Impacts The Communists, who are currently teetering on the 5% electoral threshold, could eventually disappear from high-level politics. If ANO retains power, the government's European policy will focus on defending Babis’s interests before the EU. Either of the two opposition blocs would pursue a more constructive European policy if they won. Introduction of the euro is unlikely in the foreseeable future, as supporters of the common currency are significantly in the minority.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nazma Akter ◽  

The purpose of this article is to ensure free, fair and credible election by adopting electoral reformation, switch from `Winner Take All” (WTA) to Proportional Representation (PR) system. In Bangladesh the election process and election result both have been questioned. Nevertheless, election is one of the key components in ensuring democracy. Particularly the free, fair and credible election is one of the basic and crucial prerequisites and elements of democratic government and governance. Bangladesh, we found an under developed political culture, lack of democratic political organizations, institutions and practices in true sense. All these indicators have been almost failed to institutionalize democracy in Bangladesh. In this backdrop, this paper attempts to explain that, a switch from the current Winner Takes All (WTA) system to Proportional Representation (PR) system can reshape the election system by keeping consistency, because of the fact that the democracy means the rule of the majority but the minority can't be uprooted as well as Proportional Representation (PR) method can help stabilize democracy in Bangladesh.


Significance The governing Liberal Party presented the election as the most important in decades as it sought a mandate to lead the country’s emergence from the pandemic. Instead, the election delivered little change, leaving Prime Minister Justin Trudeau heading a minority government, most likely with support from the left-leaning New Democratic Party (NDP) as before. Impacts An expected cabinet shuffle will see new ministers at key departments including Justice and Foreign Affairs. Provinces will drop their resistance to the proposed childcare programme, which will be in effect before the end of 2022. No new pipelines will be proposed or built while Trudeau remains in office, given perceived government hostility to fossil fuels. The transfer to the provinces of significant responsibility for healthcare will go ahead as decentralisation accelerates.


Significance The volatility of the election is underscored by the fact that first the Greens and then the CDU have led the polls since April. The election outcome will rest on the support of wavering centrist voters. Impacts A government led by the SPD is unlikely to pursue significant changes in relation to fiscal policy. As over 50% of voters will vote before election day, it will be difficult for the CDU to reverse polling trends significantly. Given the tight polling, foreign influence on social and mainstream media could determine the election result.


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