radical ideology
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2022 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guillaume Bronsard ◽  
David Cohen ◽  
Issaga Diallo ◽  
Hugues Pellerin ◽  
Aurélien Varnoux ◽  
...  

Since 2010 and the founding of the Islamic State, the radicalisation phenomenon in Europe has involved more adolescents and converts to Islam than in previous Islamist terrorist group movements (e.g., Al-Qaeda). In most cases, these adolescents are “homegrown terrorists,” a challenging difference, as they are in confrontation with their home and societal environment. As a new and emerging phenomenon, radicalisation leads to many questions. Are empathic capacities altered? Are they presenting psychiatric pathologies or suicidal tendencies that explain why they put themselves in serious dangers? Are they just young delinquents who simply met a radical ideology? In January 2018, by special Justice Department authorisation, we contacted all minors (N = 31) convicted in France for “criminal association to commit terrorism.” We assessed several sociodemographic, clinical and psychological variables, including empathy and suicidality, in half of them (N = 15) and compared them with 101 teenagers convicted for non-terrorist delinquency who were placed in Closed Educational Centres (CEC). The results show that adolescents engaged in radicalisation and terrorism do not have a significant prevalence of psychiatric disorders, suicidal tendencies or lack of empathy. It also appears that they have different psychological profiles than delinquent adolescents. “Radicalised” adolescents show better intellectual skills, insight capacities and coping strategies. In addition, the manifestation of their difficulties is less externalised than adolescents from the CEC, having committed very few delinquent acts.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Izabela Mrzygłód

The Cult of the Martyr: The Symbol of Stanisław Wacławski and Rituals of Violence in the Warsaw Student Milieu of the 1930sViolence was a key element of the interwar radical habitus and was particularly affirmed in far-right movements, which found fertile ground for their ideas among students. However, the influence of the systems of ideas advocated by ideologues on student masses seems limited and indirect. Student support for antisemitism and extremism cannot be explained only by cultural conditions, ideology or political engineering. What is needed here are intermediate stages, linking radical ideology with the actions of social actors. I argue that the intermediary function was performed by the symbol of Stanisław Wacławski, a student and member of the Camp of Great Poland (Obóz Wielkiej Polski) who was killed during the antisemitic riots in Vilnius in 1931. The figure of Wacławski was a key element of antisemitic discourse in far-right press and was used by academic societies to construct the annual ritual of violence in the 1930s. I employ the micro-sociological approach and draw on Randall Collins’ theory of “interaction ritual chains” to show that the factors behind the mobilization of ordinary students for collective violence and a chauvinistic agenda included also emotions and personal relations, and not only political identification and advertising. Kult męczennika. Symbol Stanisława Wacławskiego i rytuały przemocy w warszawskim środowisku studenckim lat trzydziestych XX wiekuW habitusie międzywojennych radykałów przemoc grała kluczową rolę i była szczególnie afirmowana w ruchach skrajnie prawicowych, które znajdowały podatny grunt dla swoich idei w środowiskach studenckich. Jednak wpływ systemów idei głoszonych przez ideologów na masy studenckie wydaje się ograniczony i pośredni. Poparcia studentów dla antysemityzmu i ekstremizmu nie można tłumaczyć jedynie uwarunkowaniami kulturowymi, ideologią czy inżynierią polityczną. Potrzebne są tu etapy pośrednie, łączące radykalną ideologię z działaniami aktorów społecznych. W niniejszym tekście dowodzę, że funkcję taką pełnił w środowisku akademickim symbol w postaci Stanisława Wacławskiego, studenta i członka Obozu Wielkiej Polski, który zginął podczas antysemickich zamieszek w Wilnie w 1931 roku. Jego postać stanowiła kluczowy element antysemickiego dyskursu prasy skrajnej prawicy i była wykorzystywana przez stowarzyszenia akademickie do konstruowania corocznego rytuału przemocy w latach 30. Aby pokazać, że czynnikami, które wyjaśniają, w jaki sposób zwykli studenci byli mobilizowani do zbiorowej przemocy i pozyskiwani dla szowinistycznego programu, były również emocje i osobiste relacje, a nie tylko identyfikacja polityczna i agitacja, stosuję podejście mikrosocjologiczne i czerpię z teorii „łańcuchów rytuałów interakcji” Randalla Collinsa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Dewi Nur Aeni ◽  
Ais Chusniati ◽  
Duta Sukma Yoga ◽  
Faiqotun Khasanah ◽  
Yessica Dwi Elvira

This study aims to describe and analyze what efforts can be made by families regarding their role against radical ideology in children. The role of the family is the first step that can be taken and usually implemented in the form of fostering and inculcating contextual religious teachings from an early age. In the family, the role of parents is prioritized because they are the ones who play an active role in the character building, personality, and morality of children. So that children can distinguish between good and bad things in the process of growth and development. Thus, children can avoid the influence of radical ideologies that develop in society. In this study, the authors use journal literature and effective data that are relevant to the problem, namely the role of the family against a radical ideology which then qualitatively explains the result that we got. The results of this study illustrate the importance of the role of the family, that is parents in raising children by inculcating the values that need to be taught to children, and the efforts made by families in countering radicalism.


Author(s):  
Ararat Kostanian

The purpose of the essay is to illustrate the Ideological aspect of al Qaeda that constitutes the pillar of the organisation based on distinct interpretation of Quran and biased understanding of the meaning of Jihad. The functional method of al Qaeda is not simplistic or unsystematic, aimed at particular target or focused or specific country or region. The creation of such transnational organisation couldn’t have been revealed without political Ideology with its manifesto and the mechanism to spread its messages all over the world. It will not be correct to put al Qaeda among the category of the classical terror groups as I have shown in the essay as a comparison. Moreover, it is not similar to any categories of political Islam movements; since the distinction between Jihad and waging war has always been differentiated in the context of Political Islam. Whereas al Qaeda declares enemies in the house of Islam as well to countries, people and Institutions differ with their own created ideology. This distorted ideology has spread all over the world and become an enemy to Islam itself, which harmed the reputation of Islam as a religion. Attention on the ideologic context of al Qaeda hasn’t been researched well, unknown to majority of the experts. Instead, the attention at most has been put on its ground actions, security concerns and counter terrorism.


Author(s):  
Ararat Kostanian

The purpose of the essay is to illustrate the Ideological aspect of al Qaeda that constitutes the pillar of the organisation based on distinct interpretation of Quran and biased understanding of the meaning of Jihad. The functional method of al Qaeda is not simplistic or unsystematic, aimed at particular target or focused or specific country or region. The creation of such transnational organisation couldn’t have been revealed without political Ideology with its manifesto and the mechanism to spread its messages all over the world. It will not be correct to put al Qaeda among the category of the classical terror groups as I have shown in the essay as a comparison. Moreover, it is not similar to any categories of political Islam movements; since the distinction between Jihad and waging war has always been differentiated in the context of Political Islam. Whereas al Qaeda declares enemies in the house of Islam as well to countries, people and Institutions differ with their own created ideology. This distorted ideology has spread all over the world and become an enemy to Islam itself, which harmed the reputation of Islam as a religion. Attention on the ideologic context of al Qaeda hasn’t been researched well, unknown to majority of the experts. Instead, the attention at most has been put on its ground actions, security concerns and counter terrorism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-68
Author(s):  
Ahmad Suradi ◽  
Qolbi Khoiri ◽  
Nilawati Nilawati ◽  
Nopian Gustari

This study aims to describe the moderate educational views of the Pondok Pesantren Wali Songo community in Ngabar Ponorogo and their efforts to prevent radical ideology. This is a qualitative research and the subject is the main source of data. The informants are the Kyai (the leader) and the Asâtîdh (the teachers) Council in the Pesantren. The results reveals that the Pesantren Wali Songo designed a curriculum that provided a comprehensive understanding of Islamic teachings. For example, the material of fiqh is embedded with uṣûl al-fiqh. In uṣûl al-fiqh, there are rules of istinbâṭ al-ḥukm besides the Quran and hadith such as ijmâ‘, qiyâs, ‘urf, maṣlaḥah al-mursalah, and maqâsid al-sharî‘ah so that fiqh is flexible. In addition, the Pesantren recruited a board of teachers who had moderate understanding and background in kâffah Islamic ideology. Santri (the students) are protected from information access and certain association  which lead to radicalism. In developing moderate Islam, the curriculum there require them to study books that explain the understanding of Islam Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamâ‘ah.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-72
Author(s):  
Najahan Musyafak ◽  
Lulu Choirun Nisa

Community resilience is an important aspect of da'wah as an effort to prevent radicalism in Indonesia. The importance of community resilience is based on the phenomenon where the community has become the victim of various events that have the nuances of radicalism. Bombings, shootings, stabbings and vandalism events have harmed the community, both individually and collectively. The destruction of public facilities has disrupted social activities and governance. In addition, violent-motivated events have disrupted people's lives because they feel afraid, insecure, and threatened by circumstances that are beyond their capabilities. Therefore, it is necessary to have da'wah through efforts of resilience in the face of acts of violence with a background of radicalism. This study aims to determine da'wah activities through the form of community resilience by taking locations in the Solo Raya area in the face of various radicalism events, forms of community resilience and how steps are taken to prevent the spread of radical ideology through da'wah activities. This study is a qualitative research with a symbolic interactionism approach involving a number of informants who were selected using a purposive sampling method from 4 areas in Solo Raya, namely Surakarta, Sukoharjo, Sragen and Karanganyar. Data was collected through a Focus Group Discussion technique ( FGD). This study found that Da’wah can be utilised as a method to prevent radicalism through strengthening community resilience. The way of prevention focus on anticipating and adapting to the dangers of radicalism through 4 (four) forms; awareness of plurality, synergy between institutions, cultural communication and strategic partnerships.***Ketahanan masyarakat (Community Resiliency) menjadi aspek penting dalam dakwah sebagai upaya pencegahan radikalisme di Indonesia. Pentingnya ketahanan masyarakat didasarkan pada fenomena dimana masyarakat telah menjadi korban berbagai peristiwa yang bernuansa radikalisme. Peristiwa pengeboman, penembakan, penusukan dan perusakan telah merugikan masyarakat baik secara individu maupun komunitas. Hancurnya fasilitas publik telah menggangu kegiatan dan tata laksana sosial. Selain itu, peristiwa bermotif kekerasan telah mengganggu kehidupan masyarakat karena merasa takut, tidak aman, dan terancam oleh keadaan yang berada di luar kemampuan mereka. Oleh karena itu, dibutuhkan adanya dakwah melalui upaya ketangguhan (resiliency) dalam menghadapi tindakan kekerasan yang berlatarbelakang radikalisme. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui kegiatan dakwah melalui bentuk ketahanan masyarakat dengan mengambil lokasi di wilayah Solo Raya dalam menghadapi berbagai peristiwa radikalisme, bentuk ketangguhan masyarakat dan bagaimana langkah yang ditempuh untuk melakukan pencegahan terhadap penyebaran ideologi radikal melalui kegiatan dakwah. Studi ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan interaksionisme simbolik dengan melibatkan sejumlah informan yang dipilih dengan metode sampel bertujuan (purposive sampling) yang berasal dari 4 wilayah di Solo Raya, yaitu Surakarta, Sukoharjo, Sragen dan Karanganyar, dan data diambil melalui teknik Focus Group Discussion (FGD). Studi ini menemukan bahwa dakwah pencegahan radikalisme dapat dilakukan melalui penguatan ketahanan masyarakat yang  merupakan proses antisipasi dan adaptasi terhadap bahaya atau bencana radikalisme melalui 4 (empat) bentuk; kesadaran pluralitas, sinergitas antar lembaga, komunikasi budaya dan kemitraan strategis.


Author(s):  
İbrahim Karataş

Purpose: This study aims to reveal how ISIS exploits apocalyptic prophecies stated in the Qur’an and hadiths to find new recruits and legitimize its ideology. The study tries to identify how sensitive issues of Islam are misinterpreted to mislead and terrorize young Muslims. It also elucidates how the misuse of innocent verses and hadiths leads to terrorism in the hands of people with fundamentalist beliefs. Approach: All issues of two ISIS magazines, namely, Dabiq and Rumiyah, were reviewed, and the related articles were selected, examined and compared with traditional Sunni Islam’s eschatology. In addition to the content analysis of the two magazines entitled with the apocalyptic names, previously written literature was also examined for this study. Findings: ISIS used eschatology to persuade Muslim youth to immigrate to its so-called lands and fight for its lofty cause. The terrorist group tried to realize this goal mainly by reinterpreting prophetic promises of Islam for its ends in the media. The analysis shows that ISIS did not serve religion but benefited its radical ideology. However, time has shown that ISIS’s brutal cause was far from the Islamic faith, as none of ISIS’s apocalyptic prophecies came true. Originality: While there are many studies about ISIS, few or none of them analyzed how the movement deceived people with apocalyptic ideas, which need to be considered during an examination of the conflicts in the Middle East, where states (e.g., Israel) or regimes (e.g., Iran) are founded on the basis of apocalyptic prophecies. ISIS was another trial that failed. By not examining the core of ISIS ideology stemming from the distorted interpretation of Islamic prophecies, gray zones would be left in the literature. This study makes that zone clearer.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-121
Author(s):  
Anne Speckhard ◽  
Molly Ellenberg ◽  
Jesse Morton ◽  
Alexander Ash

This article represents the largest ever primary data-based study of involuntary celibates (incels), previously studied nearly exclusively through analysis of online postings. The incel movement has been characterized by some as a radical ideology, with mass murderers such as Elliot Rodger, Alek Minassian, and Chris Harper Mercer being portrayed as prototypical of the movement. However, there is a dearth of research through direct questioning of incels and therefore very little nuanced understanding of the community, its shared grievances, and its opinions regarding violence in its name. The present study of over 250 self-identified incels demonstrates that although the majority of incels are non-violent and do not approve of violence, those who consider themselves to be staunch misogynists are likely to endorse a desire to commit violence and are also likely to become more misogynistic through participation on incel web forums, which validate their views. The study also finds that while many incels report experiencing a variety of psychological symptoms, they are loath to seek help from mental health professionals. This implies that the threat of violence from a subset of incels should not be ignored, but promotion of compassionate and understanding psychological may be more broadly beneficial to the community.


Author(s):  
Bethany Leap ◽  
Joseph Young

What is radicalization, and what drives individuals to become radicalized? Many individuals who hold radical beliefs will never become violent, yet others are compelled to enforce their ideology through violence. Drawing from existing literature, radicalization is defined as a transformation rooted in grievances, networks, enabling environments, and ideology that brings an individual to hold radical beliefs and support the use of violence. Conversely, deradicalization is defined as both a cognitive departure from radical ideology and a behavioral shift away from radical activities and group membership. Competing theories of radicalization and deradicalization have created a debate about whether or not these phenomena must be experienced in a linear fashion, and several scholars posit that strains caused by society can lead to both cognitive and behavioral forms of radicalization. The evidence supporting these theories is demonstrated in the counter-radicalization policies of several Western countries, which use localized policing and community members to address the social and political issues that breed radicalization. Moreover, radicalization and deradicalization are not “one size fits all” phenomena; instead, they are experiences that can differ between ideologies as well as within ideologies. For example, sociopolitical factors specific to one’s nationality can impact the radicalization and deradicalization of individuals and organizations belonging to the same ideology. Despite all this, there are still significant gaps in the study of radicalization and deradicalization that need to be addressed. In academia, two debates must be settled: how should radicalization be defined, and should radicalization be understood as occurring in a linear or nonlinear fashion? In the policy realm, professionals must understand and address the grievances that increase the risk for radicalization to occur through social programs and education initiatives. Finally, policymakers and academics must communicate with each other regarding the research needs for enacting sound policies that will reduce the occurrence of radicalization.


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