Seeing Guns to See Urban Violence: Racial Inequality & Neighborhood Context

Guns are central to the comprehension of the racial inequalities in neighborhood violence. This may sound simple when presented so plainly. However, its significance derives from the limited consideration that the neighborhood research paradigm has given guns: they are typically conceived of as a background condition of disadvantaged neighborhoods where violence is concentrated. Instead, I argue that guns belong at the forefront of neighborhood analyses of violence. Employing the logic and language of the ecological approach, I maintain that guns must be considered as mechanisms of neighborhood violence, with the unequal distribution of guns serving as a critical link between neighborhood structural conditions and rates of violence. Furthermore, I make the case that American gun policy should be understood as a set of macrostructural forces that represent a historic and persistent source of disadvantage in poor Black neighborhoods.

“I Don’t let These Felonies Hold me Back!”: How Street-Identified Black Men and Women Use Resilience to Radically Reframe Reentry

This street participatory action research project trained 15 local residents to document a community sample of street-identified Black men and women’s (ages 18–35 years) experiences with reentry in two low-income Black neighborhoods. The following multi-method data were collected: (a) 520 surveys; (b) 24 individual interviews; (c) four dual interviews; and (d) three group interviews. Descriptive and univariate analysis of variance analysis revealed most participants as a function of gender and age-groups held positive attitudes toward reentry, overall; positive attitudes toward returning citizens; negative attitudes toward reentry programs; and negative attitudes toward the reentry process. Qualitative analysis suggested negative experiences with reentry were the result of a racialized structural violence complex; and strategies employed to navigate reentry included legal and illegal approaches. Also, short and long-term goals with reentry were generally achieved through enduring major bouts of unemployment, economic poverty, and low-wage work.

Law and Order in Postcolonial Racial Cities

This work analyzes two class actions contesting the racial violence of Rio de Janeiro’s state police during operations in majority black neighborhoods, assessing both the narratives and social mobilization denouncing black genocide and the role of legal thinking in deviating or denying racism. The analysis of this case reveals that, on the one hand, spatial, racial and juridical structures - established by the racial colonial project and perpetuating in the legacy of racial slavery - create the conditions for genocidal acts to be produced as a long-lasting process. While on the other hand, legal knowledge sustains the “intent to destroy, in whole or in part” a specific group, which is fundamental to the crime of genocide. Considering that black genocide results from institutional racism, the conditions allowing it to happen are not just associated with intent. Black genocide is implemented through the normal functioning of justice institutions, as we discuss in the case study. In this context, black death is central to sustaining power relations, normalized by the use of racial stereotypes for the racialization of space, creating zones of dehumanization as criminality. Denialist discourses use this condition in perpetuity, to normalize genocide and extra-judicial killings. Nonetheless, the concept of institutional racism enables us to understand that genocide can also result from day-to-day decisions taken by politicians, legal professionals, and institutions.

Measuring the Effect of Neighborhood Racial Segregation on Fetal Growth

Prior studies of neighborhood racial segregation and intrauterine growth have not accounted for confounding factors in early life. We used the Life-Course Influences on Fetal Environment Study of births to Black women in metropolitan Detroit, 2009–2011, ( N = 1,408) to examine whether health and social conditions in childhood and adulthood confound or modify the association of neighborhood segregation (addresses during pregnancy geocoded to census tract racial composition) and gestational age-adjusted birthweight. Before adjusting for covariates, women living in a predominantly (≥75%) Black neighborhood gave birth to 47.3 grams (95% CI: –99.0, 4.4) lighter infants, on average, compared with women living in <75% Black neighborhoods. This association was confounded by adulthood (age at delivery, parity, neighborhood deprivation) and childhood (parental education, neighborhood racial composition) factors and modified by adulthood socioeconomic position. These findings underscore the complex relationship between neighborhood racial segregation and birth outcomes, which would be enhanced through a life course framework.

Greenness and the Potential Resilience to Sexual Violence: “Your Neighborhood Is Being Neglected Because People Don’t Care. People With Power Don’t Care”

There is increasing evidence that green space in communities reduces the risk of aggression and violence, and increases wellbeing. Positive associations between green space and resilience have been found among children, older adults and university students in the United States, China and Bulgaria. Little is known about these associations among predominately Black communities with structural disadvantage. This study explored the potential community resilience in predominately Black neighborhoods with elevated violent crime and different amounts of green space. This embedded mixed-methods study started with quantitative analysis of women who self-identified as “Black and/or African American.” We found inequality in environments, including the amount of green space, traffic density, vacant property, and violent crime. This led to 10 indepth interviews representing communities with elevated crime and different amounts of green space. Emergent coding of the first 3 interviews, a subset of the 98 in the quantitative analysis, led to a priori coding of barriers and facilitators to potential green space supported community resilience applied to the final 7 interview data. Barriers were a combination of the physical and social environment, including traffic patterns, vacant property, and crime. Facilitators included subjective qualities of green space. Green spaces drew people in through community building and promoting feelings of calmness. The transformation of vacant lots into green spaces by community members affords space for people to come together and build community. Green spaces, a modifiable factor, may serve to increase community resilience and decrease the risk of violence.

Curriculum of Social Movements

Social movements change the world. Thus, they shape curriculum. Participation in movements educates the public by altering viewpoints and actions. Likewise, participants learn through participation in social movements; therefore, social movements can be considered curricula. The experiences of social movements are curricula that exist in and out of schools. Examples of the myriad connections among school curriculum, nonschool curriculum, and social movements interact in dynamic fluidity. Curriculum is much more than a course syllabus, set of plans, or the indoctrinations or liberations intended by schools. Curriculum includes all experiences of schooling and contexts that influence schooling: intended, taught, tested, hidden, excluded, outside, peer-driven, and more. It encompasses knowledge, relationships, and interpretations that students bring to school or anywhere else. These multiple dimensions of curriculum also exist in the diverse experiences, institutions, and gatherings of everyday life. Alternative forms of curriculum have been envisioned and enacted over the centuries to overcome the dominance of autocratic forms of education. Social movements educate and are therefore curricular. A noteworthy example of curricula of social movements is the Civil Rights Movement, particularly the Mississippi Freedom Schools in the United States. Another example is the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee, founded by Myles Horton and based on the Danish model of folk schools, which was a center of inspiration and praxis for participants in the Civil Rights Movement. Emancipatory educational movements are exemplified in the problem-posing work of Paulo Freire, initially in Brazil, evolving to counter the oppressiveness of “banking” forms of education in many parts of the world. Freire has shown how oppressed persons could be major creators of their own education, by learning to name, write, and read the world to compose a more just world. In the second decade of the 21st century, young climate activists, such as Xiye Bastida and Greta Thunberg, have advocated ecological renewal; this has grown into a worldwide movement, captured in the title “Fridays for Future.” Local examples include the insightful stories in The Journal of Ordinary Thought, inspired and evoked by Hal Adams and authored by the parents of students in some of Chicago’s most impoverished Black neighborhoods in the late 20th century. Global movements include Black Lives Matter, which has manifested itself as an act of solidarity in the second decade of the 21st century. Social movements, of which the contributions of Martin Luther King, Jr. are an emblematic example, teach the power of learning and the learning of power. They help raise the deepest and most worthwhile questions: What does it mean to be human? Who am I in relation to others? What kind of a society do we want to create? How can schools and other public spaces become generative sites of contention and authentic engagement? That is where a curriculum of social movements comes to life. What lessons might educators learn from the examples of a curriculum of social movements? How should we live? How will we live? What will you do about it?

Close to Home: Place-Based Mobilization in Racialized Contexts

How do racially concentrated policy changes translate to political action? Using official election returns, the Cooperative Congressional Election Study, and original data on the unprecedented mass closure of schools in segregated, predominantly Black neighborhoods across Chicago, we demonstrate that those living in the communities affected (1) increase their attendance at political meetings; (2) mobilize in support of ballot measures to avert future closings; and (3) increase their participation in the subsequent local election, while decreasing their support for the political official responsible for the policy on the ballot—at a higher rate than every other group. These findings shed light on how groups that previously participated at the lowest rates go on to participate at the highest rates on community issues that matter to them. We develop a theory of place-based mobilization to explain the role of “the community” in acting as a site of coidentification and political action for marginalized groups.

Crime and Neighborhood Change in the Nation’s Capital: From Disinvestment to Gentrification

Research on crime and neighborhood racial composition establishes that Black neighborhoods with high levels of violent crime will experience an increase in Black residents and concentrated disadvantage—due to the constrained housing choices Black people face. Some studies on the relationship between gentrification and crime, however, show that high-crime neighborhoods can experience reinvestment as well as displacement of Black residents. In Washington, DC, we have seen both trends—concentration of poverty and segregation as well as racial turnover and reinvestment. We employ a spatial analysis using a merged data set including crime data, Census data, and American Community Survey (ACS) data to analyze the relationship between crime and neighborhood change at the Census tract level. Our findings demonstrate the importance of distinguishing between periods of neighborhood decline and ascent, between the effects of property and violent crime, and between racial change and socioeconomic change.

Korean-Black Relationships in Greater New York

This paper examines Korean-black relationships in Greater New York in the past and at present. It also provides the author’s suggestions to improve the relationships between the two communities in the future. Korean immigrants encountered severe business-related conflicts with black customers in black neighborhoods during the 1980-1995 period. Their business-related conflicts have disappeared since the mid-1990s, as they stopped their business activities there. But the Korean community is residentially highly segregated from and has maintained only a moderate level of interactions with the black community. To strengthen the ties with the black community, Korean immigrants need education on blacks’ history and their current suffering of structural racism.