The Rise and Fall of Popular Australian Lawn Bowls 1864–2021

Lawn bowls is one of the oldest formally established British sports in Australia. This paper provides an overview of the place of lawn bowls in Australian history and society from 1864 to 2021 through four eras: British nationalism (1864–1900); middle class sport (1900–1945); leading seniors sport (1945–1990); and decline (1990–2021). The four eras cover the span of Australian lawn bowls and are based on historical data from both primary and secondary sources tracing its rise and decline. The decline in lawn bowls has been a combination of both internal and external factors. This paper is not a purely chronological account of lawn bowls, but rather provides a framework to better understand the place and role of the sport in Australian culture and society. The origins of lawn bowls in Australia are directly linked to the cultural heritage that stemmed from British settlement. Lawn bowls provides a vehicle to develop insight and understanding into several past, current, and future social and cultural issues including seniors sport, sport participation rates, gender relations, nationalism, class structures, urbanisation, and the development of contemporary cities.

Euroscepticism or nationalism — which better explains the decision of the British to leave the European Union?

The article is dedicated to the 2016 United Kingdom European Union Referendum (known as the Brexit Referendum) that took place on 23 June 2016 and resulted in the majority of the votes cast being in favor of leaving the EU. As a consequence, on 31 January 2020, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland officially withdrew from the European Union. The purpose of this article is to try to make an interpretation of Brexit by attempting to answer a question of which of these two factors — Euroscepticism or nationalism — more heavily determined the will of the people and influenced the result of the referendum. Euroscepticism has accompanied the British from the very moment their country became part of the united Europe. The importance of nationalism in turn, analyzed as both English nationalism and British nationalism, has increased significantly in recent years. Using the collected research material, the author will try to prove the thesis that, in fact, these two factors are inextricably linked and it is very difficult to examine them separately. Euroscepticism, so deeply rooted in the British society, seems to have been — especially in recent years — the driving force of English and British nationalism.

A Tale of Two Bridges: The Poetry and Politics of Infrastructure in Nineteenth-Century Wales

Drawing on Brian Larkin’s concept of ‘infrastructural poetics’, this article considers and compares a selection of English- and Welsh-language poems, by writers including Eliza Mary Hamilton, Frederick Faber, Richard Llwyd, and Eben Fardd, about two nineteenth-century infrastructures that transformed North Wales and Great Britain’s relationship to Ireland: the Menai Suspension Bridge (1826), and the Britannia Tubular Bridge (1850). I argue that these non-canonical poems complement perspectives derived from parliamentary records, official reports, technical planning documents, scientific manuals, and journalism, enhancing our understanding of the nineteenth-century infrastructural imagination. Specifically, building on the association of infrastructural development and modernity, I explore how the poems under discussion participate in nineteenth-century negotiations about Wales’s place and future in the United Kingdom, and how these negotiations evolved between 1819 and 1852. I show that, although Wales was the site of impressive engineering feats and accelerating industrial extraction, English-language poems present the Menai Bridge in picturesque terms, drawing on popular images of the Celtic fringe that evoke timeless, ideal beauty. Anglophone verse about Britannia Bridge, by contrast, focuses explicitly on the infrastructure’s technological modernity but claims it as an English landmark. Both strategies, I suggest, effect an erasure of Wales – as a distinct cultural and political entity – from a future conceived as Anglo-British. Poems written in Welsh, and the work of Welsh writers in English, complicate this picture, not because they reject British nationalism and imperialism, but because they seek to embed a modern Welsh nation more centrally within those political and ideological frameworks.

Underdogs and Englishmen—Diana and the Secular Worship of the Nation

In “The Archive” we republish articles that, in hindsight, may have been ahead of their time in its prescience. Our pull for this issue is a 1997 piece from Stephen Heathorn originally written in the wake of the death of Princess Diana. Drawing on the outpouring of emotion displayed worldwide following Diana’s death, Heathorn discusses the role royal mythmaking plays in the maintenance of British nationalism and policing of British identity during a time of declining British imperialism. Through an engaging and exciting piece of scholarship that discusses one of the world’s most beloved public figures, Heathorn encourages a critical, sociopolitical interrogation of the myths we may not even realize we subscribe to.

Analysing England

Finally, Chapter 8 focuses on the analytical challenges posed by English nationalism. We explore how the academic literature on nationalism helps us better to understand the politicized English identity that has been the subject of the previous chapters, including the relationship between English and British nationalism. We also outline methodological and infrastructural implications of our findings for the future study of ‘British politics’ if we are to take England and Englishness seriously.

5. ‘Political’

‘Political’ details a difficult time in George Bernard Shaw’s career when his views about the First World War placed him intensely at odds with public opinion. Shaw’s journalism castigates British nationalism and foreign policy, boldly assigning culpability for the conflict to failed government leadership on both sides. His major plays throughout the 1920s were also composed in the war’s long shadow and vitalized by the principles Shaw enumerated in his recent, controversial public writings. The chapter then examines Shaw’s Heartbreak House (1916–17), Back to Methuselah (1918–20), Saint Joan (1923), and Too True to Be Good (1931). The success of Saint Joan and the award of the 1925 Nobel Prize for Literature solidified Shaw as Britain’s pre-eminent playwright.

The psychologisation of counter-extremism: unpacking PREVENT

The burgeoning ‘pre-crime’ industry reveals a deep overlap between national security and mental health. The UK’s counter-radicalisation policy, PREVENT, is exemplary in this regard. PREVENT mandates a duty for public bodies, such as healthcare staff, to identify and report ‘at risk’ individuals in the ‘war on terror’. Research has shown how racialised Muslims embody ‘threat’ in public consciousness, though the UK government denies institutionalising racism. This article explores how British nationalism in a ‘post-racial era’ necessitates psychologisation to evade the charge of racism in the management of Muslim political agency. By unpacking PREVENT policy documents and training, this article will explore how the counter-radicalisation industry of the ‘war on terror’ reveals the triangular relationship between 1) racialisation of Muslims under nationalism, 2) psychologisation of the political and its associated colourblindness, and 3) the nation-state’s management of dissent. The various performative dimensions of psychologisation will be discussed, as they relate to universalising, detecting and managing the threat of radicalisation. This article will conclude with a proposition: psychologisation is necessary in conceptualising state repression and institutional racism in the modern age.

‘In a National Light’

This chapter shows how continentalism and colonial British nationalism created a distinctive language of political legitimation in the colonies during the mid-eighteenth century. This standard of behaviour was imposed on a wide range of wartime activities, from the voluntary and commercial practices of militia associations and privateers to fast and thanksgiving days. But it also assumed a critical role as a barometer against which to judge the conduct of colonial legislatures, and it was in this capacity that it underwrote a dramatic revolution in colonial politics during the crisis point of the Seven Years War. The same barometer was also applied to British statesmen and military men like William Pitt, the Earl of Bute, and Admiral John Byng. At the end of the conflict, the beginnings of the patriot movement would use its rhetoric to debate the virtues of the Treaty of Paris.

“Unfrenchifying” Quebec

In keeping with the overall theme of the contested nature of British rule, this chapter investigates the establishment of the first French-language newspaper, Le Canadien, demonstrating the way in which the French Canadian political opposition appropriated the tenets of classical republicanism to break the natural equation between Britishness and liberty. Because of this move, the English press was compelled to embrace Court Whig political discourse so that political allegiances and ideologies were now synonymous with two ethnic political factions. The discourse of political opposition was not derived from the model of the American Republic, as historians have previously contended, but was adapted from a longstanding mode of political argument within the colony and was driven by an often stridently anti-Catholic and anti-French British nationalism.